RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

RUSSIA FROM THEx AMERICAN EMBASSY

April, 1916— November, 1918

BY

DAVID R. FRANCIS

United SI air; Ambassador to Russia under the Ctar, the Provisional Government and the Bolshevists

ILLUSTRATED

NEW YORK

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

1921

>;^^T^^^^^/

RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

April, 1916— November, 1918

by . DAVID R. FRANCIS

United Stales Ambassador to Russia under the Czar, the Provisional Government and the Bolshevists

ILLUSTRATED

NEW YORK

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

1921

F&5

h ^3

Copyright, 1921, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

Published August, 1921 Reprinted October, 1921

PRINTED AT

THE SCRIBNER PRESS

NEW YORK, TJ. S. A.

INTRODUCTION

My commission as Ambassador to Russia was dated March 9th, 1916. As I was so long in regaining my health and strength after leaving Russia, I offered to resign the Ambassadorship three or more times, but each time the Secretary of State or the Acting Secretary dissuaded me from presenting my resignation. I have drawn no salary as Ambassador since the 26th of April, 1919, but since then I have held myself subject to being sent back to Russia as American Ambassador in the event a stable government was established there. At no time was there any likelihood of our recognizing the Bolshevik Soviet Government. My resignation as Ambassador to Russia was presented on the 3rd of March, 1921, but I have not had advice of its acceptance up to the present writing. It will be seen, therefore, that my services have covered five years.

During this period I was credited to the Monarchy of Russia thirteen months. I represented the United States with the Provisional Government of Russia for eight months. I remained in Russia from the inception of Bolshevik usurpation and until within five days of the Armistice, when a surgical operation necessitated removal to a hospital in London. Upon leaving the hospital I went by direction of the Secretary of State to Paris, to be present at the meeting of the Peace Conference in February, 1919. My urgent recommendation that I be sent back to Petrograd was under consideration. I was continued as Ambassador to Russia on the inactive list

vi INTRODUCTION

and without pay, holding myself in readiness to return if there should be at any time a favorable decision upon my recommendation.

Bolshevism began to show itself eighteen months be- fore my departure from Russia. I saw its spasmodic manifestations through the summer of 1917, its usurpa- tion of power in the autumn of that year. I was in the midst of Lenin's experiment in government for more than a year. I have seen this monstrosity run its course, to become the world wide danger which my observation at close hand had convinced me it wTould become. I have kept in close touch with developments in Russia up to the present time, reading most of the articles written by newspaper men and magazine authors who have jour- neyed to Russia, having obtained the consent of the Soviet Government previous to entering that country.

On the 25th of February, 1917, I sent this cablegram from Petrograd :

"Secretary of State, "Washington.

1 i Strictly confidential for President. Understand Cus- tomary to tender resignation on beginning of new term. Mine is herewith presented. Thoroughly reconciled to return or entirely willing to remain or to serve in any position where you think can be most effective. Personal interest and inclination subordinated to country's welfare

in this critical juncture.

"Francis."

I received no reply to the tender of my resignation, but I thought nothing strange of this, as the diplomatic regu- lations state an ambassador or a minister does not have to resign; he should take the sending of his successor's name to the Senate for confirmation as a removal or recall.

INTRODUCTION vii

While at Vologda, I received from the Secretary of State, under date of May 24th, 1918, this cable :

"The following is for your information: Governor Gardner of Missouri has stated that on account of the recent death of Senator Stone, he desired to appoint you to vacancy in the Senate. In reply the Department has stated that your services are regarded as essential to the Governments relations with Eussia, and that you could not be dispensed with at this time.

* * The above statement was made by the Department in

full confidence of your desire to serve where you are most

needed.

" Lansing.' '

This was exceedingly gratifying to me, not only be- cause of the compliment Governor Gardner paid me, but I considered it an answer to my tendered resignation.

Before leaving Petrograd for Vologda, I received two cablegrams from the Department of State. The first one authorized me to leave Petrograd when I considered it unsafe. The second authorized my departure " when- ever your judgment so dictates.' '

On my return to Washington a year later, I asked the Department of State where they expected me to go when they authorized me to leave Petrograd. The reply was, I was expected to go to London and await orders, or to return to Washington. My colleagues all endeav- ored to return to their own countries, but I cabled my Government that I did not think it wise to leave Russia, and would not do so unless ordered, and I went to Vologda.

After being in Vologda four or five days, the Depart- ment cabled me I should remain there until I considered it unsafe, when I could select my own location in Russia, if I thought any place was safe.

viii INTRODUCTION

While in Archangel, after the Department had been advised of my condition, Secretary of State, cabled me under date of October 11th, 1918:

"The Department regards your devotion to duty as an example of the highest traditions of the Service. In order to be able to continue your valued service, I believe you should proceed at once to London for consultation as to whether surgical assistance can be rendered there. Please take all precautions in your journey. I am asking the Secretary of War for special assistance from the medical officers with Colonel Stewart. Advise me of your departure and your arrival in London. You will leave Poole in charge. Please accept my cordial good wishes for your speedy restoration to active work.

"Lansing."

On the 18th of November, 1918, Secretary of State Lansing cabled me through the American Embassy at London :

"As you were advised October 12th, Department plans for you to return to Archangel unless situation changes, but no definite decision will be reached until your health is restored.' '

From the time of my arrival in Russia, I followed the practice of committing fully to paper the incidents, the interviews, the impressions, in short whatever interested me about Russia, whether official or unofficial. I endeav- ored to present to the Department of State not always in formal but rather in intimate and confidential detail the quickly shifting changes that were taking place in Russia. These reports are drawn upon extensively in the chapters which follow.

In my personal letters to my family, to friends, to busi- ness associates, I wrote of Russia and of Russians, as I

INTRODUCTION ix

might have done in the freedom of a diary. Liberal ex- tracts from these 'letters have been introduced. From time to time my opinions of Russian leadership and of general conditions were revised, my hopes of govern- mental reform and stability shattered, my predictions were not realized. The readers of this narrative will discover that. I thought it best to carry them through these different times and perilous changes in the hope that they would reach the same conclusions that I did, and which conclusions have not been changed up to the present time. Those conclusions are that Bolshevism, if it dominates the world, will lead us back to barbarism.

All the enciphered cables are set forth in paraphrases thereof.

I cheerfully acknowledge my obligation, for their valued and helpful assistance, to Mr. Lyman Beccher Stowe and Mr. Walter B. Stevens.

CONTENTS

CHAPTBR FACE

I First Impressions 3

II German Influence in Russian Affairs . . 19

III Treason in High Places 31

IV Rumblings of Revolutions 52

V The March Revolutions 59

VI American Recognition of the Provisional

Government 82

VII The Council of Workmen and Soldiers '

Deputies 96

VIII Significant Changes in the Ministry . . . 115

IX The Diplomatic and Railway Commission . . 128

X The July Revolution 134

XI The Provisional Government and the Forces

of Destruction 143

XII The Break Between Kerensky and Korniloff 153

XIII The Bolsheviks Overthrow the Government . 171

XIV The Constituent Assembly Dispersed by Armed

Bolsheviks 196

XV The Diamandi Incident 216

XVI The Brest-Litovsk Peace 223

XVII Vologda — The Ddplomatic Capital .... 234

XVIII Archangel and the Northern Government . 261

xi

xii CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAQE

XIX Allied Policies in Russia 297

XX Bolshevism and the Peace Conference . . 306

XXI Bolshevism in Principle and in Practice . . 328

XXII Russia — The Chief Victim of the World War 341

XXIII Retrospect 345

ILLUSTRATIONS

David R. Francis Frontispiece

FACING PAGE

The American Embassy, Petrograd, 1909-1917 22

Terestchenko 86

Paul Miliukoff 86

Michael Rodzianko 86

The American Railway Commission to Russia and Ambassador

Francis at the American Embassy, Petrograd 132

Alexander Kerensky 144

N. Prebensen 218

Sir George W. Buchanan 218

Count Diamandi 218

T. Noulens 218

Ambassador Francis and His Staff Before the American Embassy,

Vologda, Russia 238

Last Conference of the Allied Chiefs in the American Embassy,

Vologda, July 23, 1918 258

RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

CHAPTER I FIRST IMPRESSIONS

At two o'clock in the morning on the 28th of April, 1916, with the grinding of brakes and the pushing of people toward the doors, the Stockholm Express came to a stop in the Finland Station of Petrograd, and I realized that my duties as Ambassador from the greatest Republic of the New World to the Court of the mightiest Autocracy of the Old had virtually begun. It was dark and cold. I was alone except for my loyal colored valet, Philip Jordan. I had never been in Russia before. I had never been an Ambassador before. My knowledge of Russia up to the time of my appointment had been that of the average intelligent American citizen — unhap- pily slight and vague. In order to meet without quailing the heavy responsibilities and the unknown problems which lay before me I needed all the self-confidence born of my experience as Mayor of my City, Governor of my State, Member of the President's Cabinet, and as head for many years of my own business.

Any momentary misgivings I may have felt, however, were soon dispelled by my cordial American greeting from the members of the Embassy staff who had loyally stood by to welcome me since 11 p.m., the hour at which the train had been due.

3

4 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

As I began to familiarize myself with my duties I was appalled at the enormous amount of work and responsi- bility entailed by my uncongenial task as the represen- tative of German and Austrian interests in Russia. There were at the time one and a quarter million Austrian prisoners and a quarter of a million German prisoners in Russian prison camps. In addition there were about 200,000 interned German civilians and 50,000 Austrians. I had to supervise the care and attention received by these hundreds of thousands of persons and act as the official intermediary between them and their govern- ments. This work was conducted from the Austrian Embassy which we had taken over at the time we as- sumed charge of Austrian interests. It required not only the exclusive services of a large corps of able assist- ants, known as the Relief Corps, but demanded my per- sonal attention for several hours daily.

Among the first places that I visited was the German Embassy which was also, and for the same reason, under my charge. This capacious and imposing structure had been sacked by the Petrograd populace in 1914 in retali- ation for indignities which had been shown the Russian Empress Dowager when she passed through Berlin on her return from Switzerland to Russia after Germany's declaration of war against Russia. The angry crowd had done its work thoroughly. On inspecting this large building I found the luxurious furnishings mutilated and useless, the great mirrors broken, the electric light fix- tures twisted out of shape, and even the oil paintings of the German Emperors, Chancellors and Ministers of Foreign Affairs, disfigured beyond repair.

This huge, costly and partially demolished Embassy seemed to me to well symbolize the relations between Germany and Russia. This Embassy had been a part of Germany's long and persistent campaign to gain a

I

FIRST IMPRESSIONS 5

dominating influence in Russia. At a pre-arranged meet- ing in Baltic waters on July 24th, 1905, Kaiser Wilhelm had induced his weak and easily influenced cousin, Nich- olas, to sign the secret Treaty of Bjorke. This Treaty, whose provisions became known several years later, bound the two nations mutually to assist each other against any third party and prohibited the conclusion of a separate peace with a common adversary. This agreement, signed during the Russo-Japanese War, was to become effective at the restoration of peace between Russia and Japan. It also provided that France was not to be informed of the Treaty until after it came into effect, when she should be invited to become a party to it. Obviously this Treaty would have been a breach of faith on Russia's part with her ally, France, and could only have resulted in severing the close relations between those countries and thus strengthening Germany at the expense of both which was, of course, the Kaiser's object. Thanks to Count Witte this mischievous Treaty never went into effect. He was at the time Minister of Finance and the dominating personality in the Government. He succeeded in over-ruling the Czar himself, and check- mating this intrigue of the German Emperor. By so doing, however, he incurred the displeasure of the Czar and the active hostility of the Czarina.

I had heard before leaving America that the Russian Court circles were honeycombed with German spies and German sympathizers. As a result I was on the look- out for the activities of such persons. I also knew that important Russian industries, mines and financial insti- tutions were controlled by German capital. Immediately before the outbreak of the war 49% of Russia's foreign commerce was with Germany. In the same year Ger- many had taken advantage of Russia's weakened condi- tion because of her disastrous war with Japan to force

6 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

upon her a commercial treaty in which all the advantages were on the side of Germany, and which was effective for ten years, or until the year 1915. The bitterness against Germany was greatly increased by the effects of this treaty. In fact, by the year 1914 the Russian industries that were not under German control were comparatively few. Germany well knew that public senti- ment in Russia would never tolerate the renewal of this unfair treaty and that knowledge was one of the imme- diate causes which induced Germany to force Russia into war in 1914.

The bitterest enmity had grown up since the outbreak of the war, twenty-two months before, between the Rus- sian nobility who were purely Russian and those who were accused of German sympathies. The latter became known as the Court Party and were headed by the Em- press, who before her marriage had been a German Princess from Hesse-Darmstadt, and a cousin of the German Emperor. The Empress was said to have gained such a strong influence over the Emperor that even his mother, the Empress Dowager, to whom he had always been so devoted, could not counteract it. In fact, it was believed that at the behest of his wife the Emperor had required his mother to leave Petrograd. In any case, she had left and was living in Kieff. In addition there were many charges of the direct use of German and Austrian money in high places. The former Minister of War, Sukhomlinoff, had been charged by Grand Duke Nicholas with intentionally aiding the enemy by delib- erately failing to provide the troops with arms and am- munition. He had been arrested and imprisoned in the St. Peter and Paul Fortress. His wife, a beautiful and attractive woman, had accepted attentions from a Rus- sian General, who had been charged with taking a bribe of 400,000 roubles from the enemy in return for informa-

FIRST IMPRESSIONS 7

tion concerning Russian troop movements and the Rus- sian lack of ammunition. This General had been tried, convicted and shot. There was at this time a Russian Commission in America for the purchase of arms and munitions. It was commonly believed that a member of this Commission had been bribed to give wrong speci- fications for ammunition, and that when tried in actual battle it was found this ammunition could not be used. These exposures had naturally made the Russian people extremely anxious and suspicious. The Secret Service of the Empire also had corrupted several of the revolu- tionary leaders, among whom were Azef and Father Gapon, the leader of the Black Friday demonstration of 1905. Some of these leaders had been induced to make attempts upon the lives of members of the royal family and in some instances had actually committed murders with the knowledge of the Secret Service. The Secret Service was willing to offer up these royal per- sonages as sacrifices in order to obtain justification for suppressing the revolutionary spirit with an iron hand. I shall tell my story from here on largely by means of extracts from confidential letters and dispatches which I sent and received between April 28th, 1916, and No- vember 6th, 1918 — the dates marking my active services as Ambassador. Since leaving Russia, while still hold- ing the office, I have been on the inactive list. Although these dispatches and letters, so far from being written with a view to publication, were prepared in most cases for the confidential information of those to whom they were addressed, I shall use them for two reasons : first, because I wish my readers to know that there are no inaccuracies owing to lapses of memory on my part, and second, because it seems to me that many of these ac- counts have an added interest by reason of the fact that

8 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

they were written immediately after the stirring events described.

In a letter to my son, Perry Francis, written May 1st, 1916, three days after my arrival in Petrograd, I said:

"On the day of my arrival a note was sent to the Foreign Office asking when I would be received, and on the following day, Saturday, had an audience with Sazonoff, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and also with Stunner, President of the Council of Ministers, and also Minister of the Interior. My interview with Sazonoff was prolonged through an hour and twenty minutes and was by no means satisfactory. He was exceedingly cor- dial, but I was disappointed in that he said that Russia was not prepared at this time to negotiate any commer- cial treaty with our country or any other country until all of the Allies arrived at some understanding on eco- nomic questions. I told him my last advices were to the effect that he was willing and desirous of negotiating a new commercial treaty, to which he replied that he had so stated six months ago, but that not since June or July of 1915 had the subject been broached to him, and now it was too late as the Allies have agreed upon a program which provides for an understanding between themselves not only as to the prosecution of the war, but as to the commercial relations between themselves and friendly, neutral and belligerent countries after the close of the war. Of course, this is strictly confidential and should not be given to the public prints, nor told to anyone except those upon whom you can thoroughly rely. Immediately upon returning to the Embassy, I prepared a cablegram to the State Department of 500 words, informing the Secretary of the situation and expressing my great disappointment. I told Sazonoff, who speaks very good English, that I was greatly dis- appointed, and in fact decidedly so, because to negotiate

FIRST IMPRESSIONS 9

such a treaty had been the main object I had had in view when accepting the appointment as Ambassador. The Allies have called an economic council to meet in Paris about June first, at which this country will be repre- sented by the Comptroller of the Empire and four other potential officials. It seems, therefore, that the negotia- tion of a commercial treaty must be postponed until after the council is held ; it will continue in session about thirty days. There is no hope, therefore, of negotiating a tieaty between our country and Russia before July." When First Secretary Dearing made the appointment for my initial interview with Minister of Foreign Affairs Sazonoff there was no thought of my also calling upon Baron Sturmer, who was at the time both President of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the Interior, but a message was received at the Embassy the morning of the day I was to meet the Foreign Minister requesting that I call upon Minister Sturmer before going to the Foreign Office. I soon learned that there was friction between the two Ministers which undoubtedly accounted for this unusual request. I naturally called upon Sturmer as requested. Although he was exceedingly cordial and expressed himself as very anxious to establish closer relations with my Government, I was by no means favor- ably impressed by him. His appearance was as German as his name. His mind worked slowly and his tempera- ment was phlegmatic. In short, he impressed me as a dull man. Shortly after my presentation to the Emperor, he called on me at the Embassy. He was again extreme- ly cordial and emphatic in his protestations of a desire for close relations with the United States Government, but I liked him no better. As Minister of the Interior he had charge of the prison camps which it was the duty of the Relief Corps of the American Embassy to inspect. The entire Corps cordially disliked him and when in

10 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

July, 1916, he was transferred — through the influence of the Empress and Rasputin as I later learned — and made Minister of Foreign Affairs, great was the rejoic- ing among the members of the American Relief Corps. Shortly after his appointment as Minister of Foreign Affairs he moved into a palatial summer residence on the island in the River Neva opposite the Winter Palace. Here I called one afternoon and met the Baroness Sturmer. During my conversation with her I could not help noticing how the Baron paced up and down the room and every now and again stopped in front of a long mirror in which he surveyed himself with evident satisfaction, while he turned up the ends of his mustaches which were in the style of the German Kaiser.

After my original brief conversation with Baron Sturmer I went to the Foreign Office for my appointment with Minister Sazonoff. He greeted me cordially al- though he was not as excessively cordial as had been Sturmer. He looked about 55 years old, is slightly under medium height and of a spare build. His nose is rather prominent, his mouth firm set and his chin neither square nor pointed. His face and manner bore evidence of over- work and mental strain. His mind was evidently as alert as Sturmer 's lethargic. His replies to my questions were prompt to the point of abruptness. When I told him I had no experience in diplomacy but had accepted the appointment in the hope and expectation of negotiat- ing a commercial treaty between Russia and the United States he arose abruptly from his chair and made the statement given in the letter above. I could well imagine him entering the great Hall of Tsarskoe Selo Palace on the fateful night of July 31st, 1914, with his quick firm step to tell the Emperor that Germany had declared war. The royal family and some prominent members of the nobility were attending an entertainment at the

FIRST IMPRESSIONS 11

Palace when the Foreign Minister entered, and went direct to his Majesty, took him to one side, told him the ominous news and then left the hall with him while the entertainment continued and the guests were left to speculate on what had happened.

Within ten days of my arrival in Petrograd I deter- mined to make the acquaintance of the American colony, so I invited the Americans to tea at the Embassy on a Sunday afternoon. The invitations were generally ac- cepted and the guests remarked that they had not real- ized there were so many Americans in Petrograd. They seemed greatly pleased and were, in fact, profuse in their expressions of appreciation. Although the colony is so small it has been split into factions — a condition that seems to have been brought about by rivalry be- tween some of the American women in regard to what is called the American Refuge (an orphan asylum sup- ported by Americans).

But the war was the all-absorbing subject in Russia at this time. Everyone in any position of responsibility was under the highest tension. Recruits were being drilled on the street in front of the Embassy. This street is nearly 200 feet wide and paved with cobblestones which are not pleasant to walk upon, but the soldiers didn't seem to mind them. These soldiers often sang familiar Russian airs. They are plaintive but enchanting — so much so that one found the airs running through one's mind long after the songs had ceased. Soldiers were being sent out of the city by train loads, thousands daily, but no one knew where they were going except the gen- eral in supreme command.

The hatred of Germany was intense, just as the feeling in Germany toward England was exceedingly bitter. The merchants and all of the people seemed to feel that Germany had for a century or more been growing rich

12 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

at the expense of Russia, and that during the Russian- Japanese War Germany took advantage of conditions to force upon Russia a burdensome treaty whereby Ger- many not only got advantage over other countries, but was enabled to exact tribute from all of her patrons in Russia. The Russian merchants, and in fact the nobility and even the Emperor himself, seemed determined that no other country should ever occupy the same relation to Russia that Germany did before the war. Such a posi- tion pleased me to a degree, as I had been fearful on account of the financial aid she was rendering to Russia that England might be planning to assume a position of superiority over other nations in her relations to Russia. I was not fully qualified as Ambassador until I had been received by the Czar. This was both an impressive and pleasant experience, which I described to Mr. Polk in the following letter :

"American Embassy, "Petrograd. "May 9th, 1916. * ' Dear Mr. Secretary :

"I address you mainly for the purpose of making a report about my reception by the Emperor and Empress on Friday, May 5th, advices of which I have cabled the Department.

"The day before calling on the Emperor and Empress, accompanied by First Secretary Dearing, I called upon Baron Korff, Grand Master of Ceremonies, and also upon Dame d'honneur Elizabeth Narychkine, Maitresse de la Cour Imperiale ; both of these calls were very agree- able, both officials responding promptly and cheerfully to my expressed desire of increasing the good feeling existing for so many years between Russia and the United States.

FIRST IMPRESSIONS 13

"The following day, Friday, accompanied by the Em- bassy staff and the Commercial Attache, I went to a special station on the railroad leading to Tsarskoe-Selo where a special train was waiting, which conveyed us to the Emperor's station, near the castle, after a journey of about 25 minutes. There we were met by the Master of Ceremonies and his staff all arrayed in gorgeous uni- forms. It has been the custom of my predecessors, I am told, to wear uniforms on such occasions as this and on many other occasions, but I have not yet procured a uniform and don't know that I shall; my impression is that some of the Secretaries have them, but they are not permitted to wear them unless the Ambassador is so attired. We journeyed from the station to the palace in vehicles so rich in gilt finish that they had better be termed chariots. The one in which I was, was drawn by six horses with an outrider on the front lead horse. The only one who accompanied me in this carriage was a uniformed and titled attache of the Master of Cere- monies, whose name I do not recall. In the second ve- hicle were Dearing and Mr. Peirce; in the third were Second Secretaries White and Sterling; in the fourth were Third Secretary Ryan and Commercial Attache Baker; in the fifth Lieutenant Riggs and Captain Mc- Cully; in the sixth was Captain Breckinridge of the Marine Corps, — ten in all including myself. In each vehicle was a member of the retinue of Baron Korff.

"The drive to the castle was about half a mile; on arrival the doors were opened and there were more uni- formed servants ready to receive us than I could count. After a very short delay I was conducted to a room where I found the Emperor awaiting me. The doors were closed behind me; the Emperor advanced and gave me a cordial handshake and accompanied me to a seat. The staff were all outside awaiting my return, and although

14 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

the conference lasted but about 35 minutes by the watch, as they were kept standing during this time, it must have seemed like hours to them.

" After expressing to the Emperor my appreciation of the honor conferred by his receiving me, I handed him the sealed missive from the President and almost immediately proceeded to tell him that I had come to Russia mainly for the purpose of negotiating a new com- mercial treaty. He smiled and said that Russia was equally desirous to have a new treaty, and trusted there would be no difficulty in negotiating one. (As I later learned this was a very characteristic attitude. This unfortunate monarch was always trying to avoid diffi- culties.) At some stage of the conversation I congratu- lated him upon his vodka edict, at which he seemed pleased, saying that when it was first issued the period for its operation was limited to 30 days, or during mobi- lization. The appeals from women, communities, and associations, however, were so numerous and importu- nate that it be extended for the duration of the war, which at that time doubtless no one thought would last more than a few months, that he prolonged the operation of the edict to make it contemporaneous with the war; as the war progressed and the benefits of the prohibition of the sale of vodka became more and more apparent, he issued formal edict making the prohibition perpetual.

"He asked me with great interest about the relations between our country and Germany and I told him that the first official information received at the Embassy was in regard to treatment of merchant vessels by the Allied and Belligerent Powers, but that the newspapers contained reports to the effect that Germany's reply to the President's note suggested arbitration and that they further stated that the proposition had not been accepted. I also told him that our official advices from Washington

FIRST IMPRESSIONS 15

which had been transmitted to the Foreign Office were not only a virtual reply to Germany's proposition to arbitrate, but an announcement to the world of the posi- tion assumed by the United States on the question so long discussed — a position our country meant not only to observe, but to enforce. His reply was, 'Of course such matters cannot be arbitrated.' I told him that as the representative of a neutral country, I should be discreet in my expressions concerning the great war in which Russia and most of Europe was engaged, espe- cially as the United States was here looking after the interests of Germany and Austria. During this state- ment he was smiling and bowing his head affirmatively, and when later I told him that my personal sympathies were with the Allies and had been from the beginning and that my sentiments on the subject were well known in the community where I lived and also throughout the country, he smiled in a pleased manner, and said he was confident such was the case but was delighted to hear it from my own lips.

"When I told him I was residing at the Embassy, he expressed satisfaction, but when I went further and told him that I planned to make an effort to induce my country to purchase a home for the Embassy in Petro- grad, he was exceedingly pleased and said such action would be very gratifying to the Russian people.

"At the end of the interview — I can't recall whether it was terminated by the Emperor or myself — upon aris- ing I asked if I could present the Embassy staff. He replied, 'Of course.' As I approached the door a uni- formed man who had been guarding it, threw the doors open and the staff entered. I presented them one by one to the Emperor who shook hands with each. I said something about each man and the Emperor also made some personal remark to each one.

16 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

"After this ceremony which must have required ten minutes, I was conducted to another room in the castle where the Empress was waiting to receive me. She very gracefully advanced with extended hand and after a genuine American handshake, conducted me to a seat. Suffice it to say she was exceedingly gracious, and so in- teresting that when back on the way to Petrograd I was asked by the members of the staff how she was attired I was compelled to admit that she was so entertaining that I had forgotten to note how royalty dressed on such occasions. I am thinking of writing to the Mistress of the Robes to ask how the Empress was dressed, but shall not do so before being told whether that would be proper form, — of course, I have no curiosity myself in the sub- ject, but all the ladies whom I meet seem to be very much interested and furthermore it would give an opportunity to state why I made the inquiry. This, however, is pleasantry. The special train conveyed us back to Petro- grad where we arrived about 4 :30 p.m. The Petrograd papers all stated that the Emperor and Empress had received me. I now am a f ullfledged Ambassador ; until my reception by the Emperor First Secretary Dearing was Charge d'Aff aires and signed all the official com- munications to the Russian Government.

"Upon my return to the Embassy I remitted 300 roubles to a member of Baron Korff 's staff for distribu- tion among the liveried men who drove and rode the horses and received me at the palace; I was told that such was the custom and such would be expected of me.

"I have the honor to be, sir,

"Your obedient servant,

"David R. Francis.' '

As my conversation with the Emperor was drawing to a close my attention was attracted by a very fine life-

FIEST IMPRESSIONS 17

sized portrait. I remarked to His Majesty that it was a very fine likeness of him. He smiled and replied, "It is not me at all, but my cousin, King George. You are not the first one, however, who has mistaken that paint- ing for a portrait of me."

The Emperor's domestic relations were ideal. He was devoted to the Empress and to his children, particu- larly the frail little Czarovitch. Before his marriage to Princess Alix of Hesse-Darmstadt, he was said to have been devoted to Dshesinskaya, the ballet dancer; who, until some weeks after the March Revolution lived in a beautiful palace across the River Neva from the Ameri- can Embassy, and had charge of the Imperial ballet. However this may have been, his love for the Empress and his faithfulness to her were never questioned.

I cannot better describe the relations between the royal couple and the character of each than by telling the fol- lowing story as related by Dr. Dillon, the well-known British publicist and authority on Russia, whose son was a member of my staff.

Once a nobleman of great experience and progressive tendencies was received in audience by the Czar. He laid before the sovereign the wretched state of the peas- antry, the resulting general unrest and the strong neces- sity of remedying it by a modification of the political machinery of the Government. The Emperor, after lis- tening very attentively and approvingly to his visitor, said, "I know. Yes, yes. You are right, quite right." The nobleman retired well satisfied with his interview and feeling certain that the monarch would mollify his policy. Immediately afterwards a great landowner, also a member of the nobility, was ushered in and he unfolded a very different story. He sought to show that affairs were quite satisfactory with the exception of the leniency of the throne toward peasants, "What is needed, Sire,

18 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

is an iron hand. The peasants must be kept in their place by force, otherwise they will usurp ours. To yield to them and treat them as though they were the masters of the country is a great crime." To this statement, Nicholas II, after giving an attentive audience, said, "Yes, yes, I know. You are right, quite right." The second visitor departed as pleased with his interview as the first had been. A side door opened, the Empress entered, and said to the Czar: "You really must not go on like this, Nicky. It is not dignified. Remember you are an autocrat. You should show a will strong enough to stiffen a nation of 150,000,000 people!"

"But what is it you find fault with, darling?"

"Your want of resolution and of courage to express it. I have been listening to the conversation you have just had. Count S., whom you first received, pleaded the cause of the disaffected. You assented to everything he advanced telling him he was ' right, quite right.' Then M. Y. was introduced. He gave you an account of things as they really are and you agreed with him in just the same way saying, 'You are right, quite right V Well, now such an attitude does not befit an autocrat. You must learn to have a will of your own and assert it."

"You are right, dear, quite right," was the reply of the Czar.

I never met the Empress again, but I shall always remember her as a dignified, graceful and exceedingly handsome woman, with strong features and a pleasant expression. She was very proud and very jealous of the royal prerogatives of the Emperor. She was an absolute monarchist by birth, by nature and by training. She supplanted her mother-in-law, the Empress Dowager, in dominating the weak-willed Emperor who had such a dread of controversy that he would agree with anyone on any subject so long as they were in his presence.

CHAPTER II

GERMAN INFLUENCE IN RUSSIAN AFFAIRS

On July 22nd all Russia was startled by the sudden and unexpected resignation of Foreign Minister Sazo- noff. Ten days later I wrote Secretary Lansing the fol- lowing letter about this resignation :

"Personal and confidential

"Petrograd, July 25th, 1916. "Dear Mr. Secretary:

"The resignation of Foreign Minister Sazonoff and the appointment of Minister of Interior Stunner as his successor was announced in the papers Sunday morning, July 23rd, and was a great surprise to all classes of peo- ple and to every section of the country. On Monday, July 10th, upon which day I was expecting a conference with Mr. Sazonoff concerning a plan between the Allies and Belligerents whereby America could extend aid to Po- land, etc., the Embassy was informed by telephone that the Minister had been called to the front to confer with the Emperor. Mr. Sazonoff returned to Petrograd the morning of Thursday, July 13th. I saw him that after- noon in company with Mr. Samuel McRoberts, of the Na- tional City Bank of New York, who had asked to pay his respects, and to whom the Minister extended a cordial welcome because Mr. McRoberts had formed the Ameri- can syndicate which loaned $50,000,000 to the Russian Government. Mr. Sazonoff complained of being tired and said that on the following day, July 14th, he would go to Finland for a rest of two or three weeks. He was in

19

20 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

Finland when his resignation was announced and is still there.

" Universal regret is expressed at the retirement of Mr. Sazonoff, which he and the Emperor and all mem- bers of the Government attribute to ill health. At the same time there are rumors to the effect that his parting with the Emperor on July 12th was not only friendly but affectionate; the Emperor, it is said, kissed him three times and expressed the highest appreciation of his pub- lic services. The day after the Minister's departure the Empress joined the Emperor at his military headquar- ters, and two days later Mr. Sazonoff received a telegram asking for his immediate resignation. "Whether this is true no one can say authoritatively. It is generally be- lieved, however, that the Empress is very desirous of peace. She has long been suspected of German sym- pathies. One story was to the effect that when Minister Sazonoff was directed to submit to Russia's Allies pro- posals of peace suggested by Germany, he refused to do so, whereupon Mr. Sturmer said he would submit such proposals if the Foreign Minister declined to do so, and that thereupon Mr. Sazonoff resigned.

' ' Mr. Sturmer is looked upon as a reactionary ; in fact that is his record. Some charge him with being an op- portunist and with having no convictions. He is not reputed to possess a keen intellect or an incisive mind; on the contrary he is said to be slow of comprehension, but stubborn and possessed of great courage. I have had two conferences with him, and must say that he did not impress me as a man with breadth of view or imbued with high ideals. He is of German origin, but his loyalty to Russia in this contest has never been questioned. As Minister of the Interior his jurisdiction has been very extensive and his power great.

"This would indicate that the court party of the Em-

GERMAN INFLUENCE IN RUSSIA 21

pire is preparing to counteract what they fear will be a liberal movement on the part of the people after the close of the war. It is now charged that Russia is plan- ning to make a separate peace with Germany. One re- port is to the effect that von Lucius, present Minister from Germany at Stockholm, has recently made a secret visit to Russia and suggested terms of peace which are attractive to Russia and not objectionable to France, as they provide for ceding to France Lorraine, which has belonged to Germany since 1870. It is not fully known what concessions are proposed for England, but she is to be propitiated by being allowed to retain the German South African Colonies which she has captured. Japan will be appeased by being permitted to retain the territory she has captured in the Far East. It is said that Germany is willing to recognize the integrity of Belgium and to indemnify her for damage inflicted.

"In the meantime Russia is marshaling the largest army ever assembled. She has already called 16,100,000 men, and in a call issued ten days ago increased this number by 2,500,000, making a total of 18,600,000. What an army ! What a menace it would be to other countries if these men were armed and well organized! It may be that the supporters of an absolute monarchy in Russia are asking themselves what such an army, well disci- plined and conscious of its strength, will do in Russia when there are no more foreign enemies to fight. These soldiers are as fine looking men as I ever saw carry a musket. I have seen thousands of them coming into Pet- rograd in obedience to a call, fresh from the fields, boys who had never before seen a village of over 2,000 inhabi- tants, with sunken chests, slip-shod gait and careless carriage. After three or four weeks of drill, equipped with military clothing, including boots of which they are very proud, they march singing through the streets with

22 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

swinging gait, heads high in the air, chests out-thrown, and their very countenances manifesting pride in their country and consciousness of their own power. After ar- rival in their barracks they are given the most nourishing food, including meat which previously they had had not more than once a week, — soup and black bread having been their principal means of subsistence.

"The last call, which comprised 2,500,000 men, was to have gone into effect July 15th-28th, but yesterday the date when the call was to be effective was postponed from July 15th to August 15th. This change of date may not have any significance, but it was determined upon the day after Sazonoff 's resignation and Stunner's appointment.

"Minister Sazonoff was and is a bitter enemy of Ger- many. Von Lucius, present Minister to Stockholm, was Counselor of the German Embassy in Petrograd and its ruling spirit when the war began. He told me in Stock- holm that he and Sazonoff were formerly friends, but that Sazonoff now dislikes him very intensely. Sazonoff told me on the other hand, that he had never liked von Lucius, never trusted him, and if he did not consider him crazy and irresponsible, would say he was a liar and a rascal.

"You have probably seen before reading thus far that I am disposed to share in the belief that the resignation of Sazonoff was forced and that the promotion of Stur- mer is a triumph for the party of reaction and for the champion of absolute monarchy in Russia, although the victory may be due in part to the strengthening of pro- German sentiment in the Empire.

"I have the honor to be, sir,

"Your obedient servant,

"David R. Francis.' '

In a later letter to the Secretary of State on the same

GERMAN INFLUENCE IN RUSSIA 23

subject, written August 14th, I said: "The new Minister of Foreign Affairs, Baron Sturmer, who is still President of the Council of Ministers, does not seem to have the respect of any of the prominent Russians whom I have met. His predecessor, Mr. Sazonoff, was looked upon as a statesman, but when I asked the president of a large bank in Petrograd, a man who is said to be the ablest financier in the Empire, what he thought of Baron Stur- mer 's appointment to the Foreign Office, he said, 'It is just as appropriate as would be the appointment of a tailor to the place I occupy. ' It is generally believed that the reactionaries are in the saddle and were looking for an opportunity to unhorse Minister Sazonoff, who is looked upon as a liberal. Baron Sturmer is said to have remarked after learning of the first victories of General Brousiloff in Galicia, 'One or two more such victories and we can do away with the Duma. ' Whether these reports are true remains to be proven. There is no doubt, however, that the liberal or progressive element in Russia is greatly disappointed and chagrined at the removal of Sazonoff and the appointment of Sturmer. I think in a former letter I stated that while the loyalty of Sturmer had never been questioned, that he and the reactionaries generally were more disposed to sympa- thize with Germany than any other element in Russia. My view concerning the benefit to the plain people of Russia through their education and the broadening of their views by the war is stronger now than when ex- pressed two or three weeks ago. I do not think there will be a revolution immediately after the close of the war; that would be premature, but if the Court Party does not adopt a more liberal policy by extending more privileges to the people and their representatives in the Duma, a revolution will take place before the lapse of even a few years.

24 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

"In the meantime, not only are the Russian people acquiring more information concerning the resources of their own country, but it seems to me that the attention of the world is becoming directed or fixed more intently on Russia from day to day. European and American newspapers and periodicals all dwell upon the magnifi- cence of this Empire, and its undeveloped wealth and immense possibilities. There will be a great competition for the trade of Russia after the close of the war. Ameri- can enterprise is already looking with interested eyes on the mineral deposits, the great water power, and the opportunities for railroad construction which this coun- try offers. Several Americans are going home by the steamer which takes this pouch, but there is not one of them that is not planning to return to Russia, as all think there is no field on earth to be compared with this. The National City Bank has decided to open a branch here, and I think it is not only a good move for that institution but will prove highly beneficial to the commercial re- lations of the two countries. I have no intention or desire to violate the neutrality of America, but in my judgment American capital and ingenuity should be en- couraged here in order to offset, if nothing more, the well-designed plan of England, and perhaps France also, to capture the trade of Russia after the war through the operation of the resolutions passed at the Economic Conference of the Allies held in Paris, June 17th-20th. There have been many Americans here, and perhaps there are some now, who are unwise enough to take advantage of the necessities of Russia to extort unreasonable prices for what they have to sell; that is short-sighted policy, however, and one which I am advising all Americans to avoid. Your cautions concerning the improper use of the pouch are timely and just, but all other embassies

GEEMAN INFLUENCE IN EUSSIA 25

and legations here do not hesitate to nse their respective pouches to promote commerce for their countries.,,

In a later letter written to my friend and business asso- ciate, Breckinridge Jones, President of the Mississippi Valley Trust Company, St. Louis, I expressed my view of an Ambassador's opportunities and obligations regard- ing commercial relations — a view which longer experience has strengthened.

"It has been the policy of our foreign representatives of the diplomatic service to eschew all commercial mat- ters and refer them to the consuls. My judgment from the beginning was, and my experience of seven months has only served to strengthen that opinion, that friendly diplomatic relations could be engendered and fostered and promoted by close commercial relations. Conse- quently, from the beginning, since taking charge here April 28th last, I have devoted much thought and time to cultivating direct commercial relations between the United States and Eussia. Several hints were given me soon after I came that I had too keen a scent for commerce to make an ideal diplomat; but such insinua- tions only served to amuse me and had no effect upon my plans. Very soon after I came an Economic Confer- ence between the Allies was planned and held June 17th- 20th. Immediately upon being advised of the resolutions there adopted, I called upon the then Minister of Foreign Affairs Sazonoff and told him that those resolutions, al- though ostensibly and professedly adopted to destroy the commercial prestige of Germany, would operate with almost equal effect against all neutral countries and could not be enforced. It was not long thereafter before Brice and some other broad-minded Britishers expressed the same view. Those resolutions have never been confirmed by Eussia either through the Duma or the Council of Ministers.

26 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMEEJCAN EMBASSY

" There is a limit, however, to promoting American commerce with Eussia, beyond which it would be unwise for me or anyone to go, as there is a feeling more preva- lent in England than in any other foreign country and more so in France than in Eussia, but a feeling that is growing here, to the effect that America is being so enormously enriched by the prosecution of the war that she does not wish to end it. You can see without my go- ing further into this subject that if I should ostensibly devote more time to the prosecution of commerce than to the diplomatic relations between the two countries, this feeling, which does great injustice to America, would be strengthened and might find expression in a way that would be not only disagreeable but offensive to me and to our countrymen. In England and to a less extent in France there is a feeling that the war now being waged is for the great principles in which America is as much interested as any other country, and consequently the United States, instead of holding aloof and getting enormous prices for what she furnished, should be par- ticipating in the conflict."

At about the same time (October 26th, 1916), in a letter to my friend, Hamilton Cooke, of St. Louis, I wrote: "An American doctor who came here at the beginning of the war and tendered his services to Eussia, Dr. Hurd, who is now Surgeon-General of an army corps of 40,000 men, an American soldier of fortune about 6 feet 2 inches, and weighing 250 pounds, came to Petrograd from the front not a great while ago, and told me he had seen a Eussian army advancing in which only every other man had a gun and the men without guns were told to seize the guns of their armed comrades when they fell. * *

I wrote in 1920, "the German people are continuing to show their appreciation of the resources of Eussia by supporting the Bolsheviks in their efforts to dominate

GEEMAN INFLUENCE IN EUSSIA 27

Eussia. The Bolshevik army is at present organized and disciplined by German officers and German commer- cial agents are the only ones permitted to enter Bol- shevik Eussia. Germany was threatened at one time by Bolshevik domination but checkmated the movement by forming a republic which is nominally socialistic but far from a Soviet Eepublic. The German mind works in various ways and by devious methods. It embraces any strategy to accomplish its end. Germany having been defeated in its effort to subjugate the world by force is resorting to other means and is pushing with unparalleled energy and activity her well-planned eco- nomic conquest of Eussia and the world/ '

Although it had no connection with the loan referred to in the letter to Secretary Lansing, I believe it would here be appropriate to mention some of the facts and figures relative to Eussia 's wealth which I gathered about a year and a half later at the time I was recom- mending that our Government extend financial assistance to the Provisional Government of Eussia. I found that aside from her public buildings and domiciles formerly occupied by the imperial family and state officials, Eussia had millions upon millions of acres of tillable lands, forests of immeasurable extent, ore deposits both pre- cious and base, to say nothing of vast water power. I talked with N. Pokrovsky, former Comptroller of the Empire and former Minister of Foreign Affairs and then Chairman of the Commission engaged in appraising the value of Eussia's property. I also talked with sev- eral of the leading business men and bankers of Eussia, and they all said that Eussia 's wealth far exceeded that of any other country on the earth. I asked if two hun- dred billion roubles (a rouble is equivalent to 51% cents) would be an overestimate, to which the invariable reply was, ' ' It 's very much greater than that ! ' ' This property

28 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

includes crown lands, but does not comprise land or property privately owned and upon which taxes are paid. It is similar to the public domain of the United States which was sold by the Government to actual settlers. I am of the opinion, therefore, that although the national debt of Russia is forty-one billion roubles, it might be doubled, or trebled or quadrupled without jeopardizing the interests of the holders of Russian bonds. The re- sources of the country owning between one-seventh and one-sixth of the dry land on the globe and having a popu- lation of nearly two hundred million, possessed of com- mon sense and kindly instincts is, in fact, incalculable.

On September 23rd, 1916, I wrote Mr. Lansing re- garding my efforts to improve commercial relations be- tween Russia and America by securing a direct cable between the two countries. I said :

"I took up with the Premier and Minister of Foreign Affairs the question of laying a cable to the United States, and also made calls in relation thereto upon the Minister of the Interior, the Director-General of Posts and Telegraphs, and the Minister of Finance, — all of whom expressed themselves quite favorably toward the project. Finance Minister Bark was almost enthusiastic, and when I ventured to tell him of the complaints that had come to my hearing from American and Russian merchants as to the commercial domination of England, he bowed affirmatively and said that while not speaking officially it was personally distasteful to him. It has been reported in Petrograd several times that Minister Bark was to be removed because he was wholly under English influence. England is financing all of the Allies, who are no doubt depending upon her for such service, con- sequently they must accept the terms she imposes.

"It is very desirable that American merchants should get a firm foothold in Russia while the opportunity is

GERMAN INFLUENCE IN RUSSIA 29

presented. It is, consequently, very important that this cable should be laid at once. As you have been advised in several other communications, I took up the subject with the Western Union Telegraph Company just before clearing from New York for Eussia, and have since ex- changed several letters with the President of the com- pany, Mr. Newcomb Carlton, and am in receipt of a cable from him which is confined to two words, 'Six million. ' That is in reply to a letter of mine asking him the cost of laying such a cable and suggesting that he frame his reply so that no one would understand it except myself. I conclude, therefore, that the cable can be laid for $6,- 000,000, and so told Minister Bark. He expressed very great surprise that it would not cost more and said that he would recommend to the Council of Ministers that an appropriation to the amount of $3,000,000 be made and that the cable be owned half by our Government and half by his, and I cabled you to that effect.

" Russia seems to have become aroused to her woful want of transportation facilities and is planning the construction of many lines of railroads for which she will have to buy a large quantity of material. She has within her borders boundless forests and immeasurable deposits of iron, ore and coal, but the demands of the peo- ple are immediate and will have to be supplied to a great extent from other countries. We should be prepared to take advantage of the situation, and direct cable com- munication is essential to that end.

"I trust that you will look favorably upon this project and will give it your potential personal and official support."

The Russian government carried out its part of the bargain and appropriated the $3,000,000, but our govern- ment declined to participate on the ground that it could not engage in business enterprises.

30 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

This Russia whose wealth, exclusive of private lands and property, is underestimated at 200,000,000,000 roubles, and whose population is almost 200,000,000, is the prize for which Germany has been contending for generations; first, through commercial penetration (which would have been complete and permanent within another decade) ; second, by war; and then by means of Bolshevism.

CHAPTER m TREASON IN HIGH PLACES

In spite of what Foreign Minister Sazonoff had told me of Russia's unwillingness to negotiate any commer- cial treaty with any country until the future economic relations between Russia and her Allies had been defi- nitely determined, such a treaty with Japan was an- nounced about sixty days later which must have been in process of negotiation at that time. In a letter written about this time, I commented in these terms on the situa- tion thus created :

" Russia's position at this time is dangerous or cer- tainly very serious. Japan took advantage of Russia's inability to protect her Eastern Border and dictated a Russian-Japanese Treaty, much to my regret, although I was unable to prevent it; however, I did express my disapproval of it to SazonofF immediately after its promulgation.

"No one here outside of the Ministry, and not all of the Ministers, in my judgment, knew anything about this Japanese Treaty until it was promulgated, and I have never ceased to suspect that there are some provisions in the treaty which have never been made public. The Japanese Ambassador, Motono, who negotiated the treaty, was immediately made a Viscount by the Mikado, and has since been called to Japan, where he was in- stalled last week as Minister of Foreign Affairs. Japan had banquets, and bonfires and festivals in celebration of the treaty, but there has never been any expression of approval of it in Russia — in fact the people of this

31

32 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

country in private conversation with me and with others have expressed very great regret that such a treaty was entered into. I believe, as stated above, that Japan forced that treaty upon Russia; of course, Japan is an ally of Russia in this war ; she was far-seeing and adroit enough to declare war against Germany soon after Ger- many declared war against Russia. But if reports here are true, Japan made Germany believe not only that she would not join Germany's enemies but would become an ally of Germany, and Germany believed that Japan was honest in this intention until Japan secured a number of men-of-war and some great munitions of war which she had ordered from Germany, then she declared war against Germany in order to become the possessor of Germany's holdings on the Chinese coast. Japan is now making every effort to strengthen her foothold in China, and the United States should watch the progress of this effort diligently and jealously. The Japanese are not only unscrupulous, but bright and resourceful and in- tensely patriotic. China has a population of 400,000,000 — twice that of Russia and four times that of the United States. If Japan secures control of China, she can form and discipline an army that will be even larger than the enormous one that Russia has now and then there will be a \ Yellow Peril' indeed."

I never knew exactly what the terms of this Russo- Japanese Treaty were until it was published in De- cember, 1917, by the Soviet Government together with the other secret treaties into which the Imperial Govern- ment had entered. The first two articles of this treaty give its essentials. They read:

Article I.

"Both the High Contracting Parties recognize that the vital interests of both of them require the preserva-

TREASON IN HIGH PLACES B3

tion of China from the political mastery of any third Power nourishing hostile intentions against Russia or Japan — and, therefore, mutually bind themselves in future, whenever the circumstances demand it, to enter with each other into open-hearted communications based on entire confidence, in order to take together the meas- ures that shall be necessary to exclude the possibility of such a situation of affairs arising (in China )."

Article II.

"In the event that, as a consequence of measures adopted by the common consent of Russia and Japan, on the basis of the preceding article, war were to be de- clared by any third Power, contemplated by the first article of this convention, against one of the Contracting Parties, the other Party, at the first demand of its ally, must go to her assistance ; each of the high Contracting Parties hereby undertakes, in case such a, situation were to arise, not to make peace with the common enemy with- out first having received its ally's consent to do so."

On December 20th, 1916, M. ProtopopofT, who had been the Vice-President of the Duma, was appointed by the Czar as Minister of the Interior. He was looked upon as a Liberal at the time of his appointment, but almost immediately on assuming this portfolio he became a Re- actionary of the most extreme type. This sudden change of front was naturally bitterly resented by his former Liberal associates.

I never had any extended conversation with Proto- popoff, the Czar's most hated Minister. He had been an unusually successful business man before he entered public life and had been highly respected in commercial circles. He was a member of the Russian delegation to the Economic Conference held in Paris in June, 1916. On his way back to Russia he was believed to have had a. preconcerted meeting in Stockholm with agents of the German Government for the purpose of discussing the

21- RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

terms of a separate peace between Germany and Russia. It was freely asserted and generally believed that he owed his appointment to the Ministry to the monk Ras- putin. A leading merchant in Petrograd told me that he thought his elevation to high office must have upset his reason. By way of illustration, he said Protopopoff had recently remarked to him, ' l Since I have come into contact with the Czar, I have changed my mind about him. I have really come to hold His Majesty in high esteem and I think he likes me, too."

Protopopoff was charged with (deliberately making food scarce for the purpose of inciting uprisings among the people which would give him an excuse for their ruthless suppression and also make possible a separate peace with Germany. As Minister of the Interior, he controlled the police of the entire Empire. In order to make them his ready tools, he not only offered them material increase in pay, but promised to pay an hono- rarium of 2,000 roubles to the family of any policemen who should be killed. He deliberately deceived the Em- peror and the Empress as to the state of public sentiment by arranging to have them receive scores of letters pur- porting to come from the peasants and the plain people in which the supposed writers affirmed their undying allegiance to the monarchy and advised the suppression with an iron hand of all outbreaks of the people. Each letter came from a different locality and alleged to give the sentiment of that part of the Empire. He also had machine guns placed on the tops of the buildings, includ- ing even the Saint Isaacs and Kazan Cathedrals, with which to shoot dQwn the people should they gather in crowds to defy the authorities.

When I left Petrograd, February 27th, 1918, Proto- popoff had been transferred from the prison of the Saint

TEEASON IN HIGH PLACES 35

Peter and Paul Fortress to an insane asylum. Whether he still lives I do not know.

In concluding a dispatch to the Secretary about No- vember 7th, 1916, 1 wrote as follows :

" There have been manifestations lately of unrest among the workers in the factories and also among the long lines of people waiting to be served small amounts of sugar or meat in the shops where such things are dis- tributed. I have heard it rumored that these rumblings are instigated by German money, and I have also heard it charged by an intelligent man who gave the informa- tion to me in the most confidential way that the Govern- ment itself through its emissaries is attempting to bring about an uprising of the people in order to give Eussia an excuse to negotiate a separate peace. Every Minister in the Government is solicitous about the tenure of his office. The Duma will meet in pursuance of adjournment on November lst-14th. To-day's papers state that Prime Minister Sturmer will be unable to address the Duma because of illness. He is not seriously ill and the meeting is one week off. It would seem that he fears to go through the ordeal/ '

At a meeting of the Duma held a week or ten days later, the reason for Prime Minister Sturmer 's reluc- tance to appear before that body was explained in a thunder-bolt oration by Professor Paul Miliukoff, the Eussian scholar and statesman who is so well and favor- ably known in this country, — which is — in my view, such a classic example of oratory and so suggestive of the old Hebrew prophets or of Cicero 's attacks on Cataline that I am going to reproduce it in full.

1 * Gentlemen :

"We have all heard of funeral orations, sad affairs, yet they serve some purpose. Let us analyze these purposes.

36 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

Firstly, we see such orations remind the relatives and friends of the deceased of some of his good qualities. Secondly, they may inspire a listener to imitation; and thirdly, they give the orator an opportunity to relieve his feelings, or, better still, to practice his oratorical power.

"But have you noticed, Gentlemen, that whatever the aim of the oration it leaves the dead dead ? What would you, I wonder, think of an individual who should attempt an oration to resurrect the dead — to revive the spirit which has passed and bring him back amongst the living! Mad? Yes, I agree; yet there are such occasions when such an endeavor would be permissible. Gentlemen, I am standing on this Tribune with this mad desire upon mo. Like a fire this desire has burned into my very soul. I want to deliver an oration over the dead, to resurrect it, because we, the mighty Russian Empire, cannot think of leaving dead the most precious entity in a nation's possession. The corpse over which I, together with the bulk of Russian society, weep tears of blood must not remain lifeless. Yfe must revive it. You and I must use superhuman effort, all our powers, magic, witchcraft, call it what you like — but it must be made to live. This highest inheritance of a nation — its honor — must not be buried. Tarry with me, have patience with me, I am a sorrowful mourner. Honor has died in Russia and be- fore the world at large becomes aware of our dead we must bring it to life again.

"Do you know that unless you act now, unless you do your very utmost, the name of Russia will stink in the nostrils of humanity? Even the most savage tribes of the world will turn aside on the approach of a Russian, because Russia is about to betray the trust of her Allies. Allies of whom she should be proud, like the gaolbird when he is received by the Mayor and Corporation. Allies to whom she ought to listen with respect and humiliation.

' * The oldest civilized countries in the world, the oldest democracies. Allies who are careful in the selection of their friends. Allies who have lowered their prestige to call us friends. Allies who have helped us. Allies who have worked for us. Allies who fight for us. Allies of

TEEASON IN HIGH PLACES 37

blood's wealth. And these are to be betrayed. Judas has closed the bargain! Judas is the traitor amongst us. I quite understand your turmoil. I can read the terror in your eyes. Even the President's hand is quak- ing. He rings his bell nervously, but even the bell revolts ; it strikes, but instead of its usual shrill note you hear it muffled — the funeral bell. No, it will not quiet me; its sound reechoes in my soul and urges me to further effort. I have here the evidence of Judas. Evi- dence in the cold figures — shekels, Gentlemen. The pieces of silver of betrayal. A new sound comes out of the bell ; the jingle of silver, the blood money.

"Either Eussia is a fool or a knave. "Which is it? "Was it not madness to appoint as a Prime Minister a man with a name and a face apart from our sympathies and methods; a man of a race with whom we are at war ! Is it a frolic in which our manhood from the lowest of peasants upwards is shedding its precious blood? Is it a money-making expedition into which we are sent? Are the trenches the steps towards riches for the Premier and his clique? Are the moans of the wounded, the groans of the dying, only the accompaniment of a festival — a carnival? Is it only another method of shedding Eussian blood by German autocrats in Eussia? Has it all been prearranged? Answer! Let your conscience, your soul, answer before you howl like a band of hooli- gans or starving wolves. What are we allowing to take place? Why are we silent? Yes, silence, our silence, is golden to Stunner and his colleagues; but for us, for our generations to come, it is a crime, a terrible bloody crime ; when honor is buried all we shall have to leave to our descendants is disgrace, an everlasting disgrace which even time will not efface. Awake, you sons of Eussia, you representatives of the Eussian people, and bestir yourselves to avert this, the greatest catastrophe !

"Stunner is in negotiation for separate peace.

"Stunner has betrayed Eussia.

' ' Stunner is disarranging supplies for our brave sons and brothers in the trenches.

1 ' Stunner is doing it for German money. I have here a document which shows every mark which he received

38 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY

from Germany from July, 1901, to July, 1916. Let him come and deny it, and, if I am allowed to live after this (though I'll gladly die if honor lives) I will bring wit- nesses to prove the truth.

" Traitors and spies are amongst us.

"No doubt, says Stunner, separate peace will be bene- ficial to Eussia when arranged by Sturmer, but what is Eussia without honor? Eise up; dead Honor! Arise from thy Coffin, and let us see thee live ! Come face thy high position! Accuse him in front of this Assembly; let thy voice thnnder!

"Yes, I am emotional, but where is the man who know- ing all this can be cool — can be unmoved? "Why look! There sits the Ambassador of an Allied Country, the coldest and calmest, and yet, though he follows me with difficulty, he is pale, he is perturbed.

"I am cool in comparison with the crime with which I am charging Sturmer. I wish I were younger. I wish the spirit of 1905 were upon me — it would be practical emotion then. You accuse me of shouting, of being mad. I agree ; but if you are sane after having heard what I have said, you also are traitors. All right. I withdraw ; it is against the regulations to call you traitors; it is admittedly heated. I know you too well to even think it of you. On the contrary, I am standing on this Tribune only because you are honest men and true. You will not tolerate these things, now you know of them. You will, as I said in the beginning, resurrect dead honor and bring gratitude instead of contempt into the hearts of our children. Eachel, we are told, is crying for her children ; if you open your ears you will hear a heartbroken sol) — a sob which will fill you with horror. Do you know who is crying? Eussia! The gallant Eussia, the brave Eus- sia, the Mother of us all, bad and good, is crying. Her heart is breaking. Are we to help her — we, her sons? This heartens me. This is the miracle I have been work- ing for. The dead has come back to life. Your shouts of encouragement are its first signs of life.

"Now with a live honor in our midst we can speak more calmly, we can deliberate.

"As you know, our agreement with our Allies does

TEEASON IN HIGH PLACES 39

not permit a separate peace — with one exception. This exception should have been known to onr statesmen only, but it is known in Berlin. And Berlin has its friends here ; what is easier therefore than to make the exception possible.

"Now just take the trouble to analyze the activity of the Sturmer Ministry since its inception. What were all measures adopted for! What were they intended to pro- duce? The oppression, the disorganization? What is the aim of all these acts ? Dissatisfaction of the masses ? What does such dissatisfaction produce? Eevolution! Eed, bloody revolution! And this is the exception to make separate peace possible.

' * No, Berlin does not pay money for nothing ! Sturmer had to earn it and he did. He paved the way for a revo- lution as the means of separate peace. Must not the great Eussian public be told of this and be warned to suffer and be patient ? But were it not better to remove the cause of their suffering, their anxiety?

"Gentlemen, this traitor, this German, must go. No matter what excuse be made for him. For the sake of honor, to reestablish the confidence of our Allies, Sturmer, nay, the whole German clique, must go.

"Just a few words more, Gentlemen, these are history- making epochs. Eussia's hope, Bussia's life, is based on her alliances ; these alliances depend on victory. The Eussian Duma, though it has no power, must help to achieve it. The people stand helpless awaiting your lead, you the representatives of the people, are responsible. You must act."

Soon after the meeting in which this attack upon Sturmer was made, I wrote Secretary Lansing that in my judgment the Government was preparing to do two things : one to abandon to her fate her small Ally, Eou- mania, whom she had induced to enter the war through promises of support, and, second, to make a separate peace with Germany. I said that I believed this had been the underground plan of the Ministry ever since Sturmer became Prime Minister in July, and knowledge of these

40 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

plans or plots reaching the Duma had caused the out- breaks of wrathful denunciation.

Attacks such as MiliukofPs upon the Prime Minister, instead of causing the Emperor to prorogue the Duma, as would have been the case a few years earlier, led him to dismiss Stunner, who quickly disappeared into igno- minious oblivion. He later died in prison in the Saint Peter and Paul Fortress, and his wife after an attempt to cut her throat is now in the insane asylum.

"While the removal of Stunner temporarily allayed pub- lic indignation, the appointment of M. TrepofY as his successor was not reassuring. Trepoif, although opposed to a separate peace, was also a reactionary and was not satisfactory to the Duma. He was, moreover, a man with deep convictions and iron nerve, and on that account more dangerous than Stunner, who was venal and with neither convictions nor strength. As I said at the time of his appointment Trepoff was a man who would not hesitate to demand that the Emperor dissolve the" Duma if that body opposed him, and such action could hardly fail to result very seriously.

On November 18th, shortly after Stunner's dismissal and TrepoiPs appointment, I attended a turbulent and stirring session of the Duma. I was the only Ambas- sador in the diplomatic loge when the President called the meeting to order, but a few minutes later was joined by the Italian, British and French Ambassadors suc- cessively. After a few remarks by the President, Pre- mier Trepoff was introduced, advanced to the Tribune and tried to read a written speech. His voice was inau- dible amid the taunts, shouts, clapping and stamping from the "Left." Three times he returned to the Trib- une from his seat in the space at the right of the Presi- dent, reserved for the Ministry. The President used a bell in his efforts to keep order instead of a mallet

TEEASON IN HIGH PLACES 41

as in other deliberative assemblies. Three times the Premier's efforts to be heard were drowned in the uproar. Finally after the expulsion of a half dozen of the most obstreperous disturbers, he got a hearing, read his address, and received perfunctory applause. He denied that Eussia had sought a separate peace, and said that no peace would be concluded that did not give Eussia control of the Dardenelles and added that Eus- sia's Allies had agreed to this. At this point a number of the members looked curiously toward Sir George Buchanan, the British Ambassador, who sat next to me, but his expression showed no trace of dissent.

Several speakers followed the Premier, but the speech of General Purishkevich was the only one which created a sensation. The General had been well known as an ultraconservative — a member of the " Eight' ' and joined the "Left." He made specific charges that German influence had permeated not only Court and military circles, but banking and commercial affairs also. He accused some of the Eussian Generals with inefficiency and indifference, if not actual treachery. He cited one General in particular who had used freight cars to trans- port mineral waters to his headquarters which should have been used to haul munitions and soldiers to Eou- mania — Eussia 's small and sorely pressed Ally. He made other definite charges against the army, of which he claimed to have documentary evidence and stepping to the Ministerial Bench he handed the Minister of "War a document. He was merciless in his criticism of the Ministry, saying that the Minister and Duma could not work together — one or the other must go. He singled out Minister of the Interior Protopopoff for his bitterest denunciation. Protopopoff had not stayed to hear what the General had to say about him.

He told of a movement to start a daily newspaper in

42 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

Petrograd which should be under German influence and should advocate a separate peace between Russia and the Central Empires. He charged that ten prominent banks in Russia had agreed to subscribe 500,000 roubles, each, to this paper, but that seven of them on learning its real purpose had withdrawn their support. The three that remained were the International Bank of Commerce, the Russian Bank of Foreign Trade and the AzofT-Don Bank. He stated that of the assets of the Russian Bank of Foreign Trade of 70,000,000 roubles only 20,000,000 was Russian capital, the remaining 50,000,000 being Ger- man. Further he said that of the 170,000,000 roubles representing the combined capital of the three banks, 50,000,000 only was Russian, the rest, or 120,000,000, being German.

When General Purishkevich took his seat he received a great demonstration of approval both from the mem- bers and from the spectators in the galleries.

On December 17th, O.S. 1916, all Russia was stirred by the report of the murder of Rasputin, the monk, who had exercised such a dominant influence over the royal family, particularly the Czarina, In January I wrote Counselor Polk a personal letter in which I gave him the most authentic version I could then obtain of the murder. I said:

"I have heard some of the particulars from a very authentic source concerning the killing of Rasputin — the monk or pretender who was killed because he was sup- posed to have too much influence with the Empress and was bringing disgrace on the royal family. You have no doubt read in the public prints of this man. He was uneducated and untidy in his dress, but had a wonderful eye and hypnotic influence. He undoubtedly had access to the Empress at all hours and through her was very potential with the Emperor. Consequently his assistance

TEEASON IN HIGH PLACES 43

was sought by all aspiring to power and position. He was a man of extraordinary if not unprecedented sexual passions. He was very human in other regards, having an appetite for liquor and rich food, notwithstanding his obscure origin.

' i On the night of the tragedy he was sent for to come to the house of Prince Usoupoff, a fine palace on the Moika. It appears there had been a dinner at this house attended by Eussian ladies, who, however, had taken their depar- ture before Easputin arrived. After considerable drink- ing Easputin began to boast of his power, claiming to have influenced a number of appointments to official posi- tions, and even asserted that he had illicit intercourse with many women of high position, calling them by names. He went so far as to say that his next mistress would be a well-known young Grand Duchess of the royal family whose character is above reproach and who is very well thought of by all classes in Eussia. When he made that statement, it is said that the host, Prince Usoupoff, drew his pistol and laid it down on the table in front of Easputin, and told him that after making such a statement it was time for him to kill himself. Easputin grasped the pistol but instead of firing it at himself, shot at Usoupoff, whom he fortunately missed, the bullet going through a door and attracting the attention of the police on the outside. The other members of the party then drew their weapons and began to fire at Easputin, who tried to leave the room. The young noblemen con- tinued to fire and Easputin fell to the floor just before reaching the door, having been shot three times through the back. No one knows who fired the fatal shots — in fact it is said that none of those present admitted having fired at all. My information, however, is from a source which is said to be very reliable. Prince Demitry, a son of a Grand Uncle of the Emperor, and Prince Usoupoff,

44 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

the son of one of the richest if not the richest nobleman in Russia, and General Purishkevich are generally thought to have been the only ones present. After Ras- putin was killed an automobile was sent for, driven by the owner, another nobleman, Count Pistelcorse, con- nected by marriage with the Grand Duke Paul — the Emperor's uncle. It came to the house, the body of Rasputin was placed in it, and taken across the Neva to one of the bayous or inlets of that river, where it was put through a hole cut in the ice. The body was dis- covered there in a few days after a thorough search by the police, was identified and taken to a hospital on this side of the river. It is said that the Empress went to this hospital herself, had the body removed to Tsarskoe-Selo, about twelve miles out of the city limits, and that funeral services were held in the Emperor's church and the body buried in the grounds of the palace. It is said to be the intention of the Empress to erect a chapel over this body and to locate its altar immediately over the grave. Whether these reports are true it is difficult to say, but at any rate they are generally believed. Other accounts of the killing of Rasputin have come to me since, but I do not know that they are any more authentic than the version given.

"It was thought for a day or two after Rasputin's death that nothing would be done about it ; everyone feel- ing that his removal would be beneficial from every view- point. In fact the Emperor who was at the Front when the killing occurred is said to have been not displeased when the news reached him and as especially talkative and good-humored when enroute from the front to Tsarskoe-Selo. But in a few days a change came over the Emperor concerning the punishment of those who had killed Rasputin. Meantime the Empress had herself signed an order for the arrest of Demitry and had given

TREASON IN HIGH PLACES 45

it to a much beloved Russian General of advanced years whose name I don 't recall. "When the General presented the order of arrest to Demitry, the latter said he was a member of the royal family and no one could order his arrest except the Emperor himself. Thereupon the old General said, 'If you don't observe this it will be the cause of my downfall, and I appeal to you through per- sonal consideration for me to consider yourself a pris- oner in your own house,' to which Demitry consented. About two days after the Emperor 's arrival, he ordered Demitry to military service in Persia and is said to have prohibited his return to Petrograd for a period of twelve years. He banished Usoupoff to his estates somewhere in Southern Russia. Purishkevich, a General in the Army, and the same who had made the bitter speech in the Duma against Protopopoff, had assembled a trainload of supplies for the relief of the Russian wrounded which was waiting for him on a side-track in the suburbs of Petrograd. He joined it about daylight and went to the front where he is supposed to be now, distributing the supplies. It is probable, however, that some punishment has been inflicted upon him.

"On January 1st, all the members of the royal family, including many Grand Dukes and Grand Duchesses, united in a ' round robin' to the Emperor, asking his clemency for Demitry on the ground that his health is broken and that Persia where he has been ordered to special service on the staff of the commander of the Russian forces is a very unhealthy country. This ' round robin' was signed by the Empress Dowager who is at Kieff where she has been ever since my arrival here. It is said that she is not permitted to return to Petrograd by order of the Emperor, and while a strong woman and exceedingly popular in Russia, she admits that she has no influence over her son who seems to have

46 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

been prejudiced against her by his wife, the Empress. This ' round-robin y was presented to the Emperor by the Queen Dowager of Greece, who lives in Petrograd. The Emperor, however, was immovable and handed the peti- tion back to the Queen Dowager of Greece, after writing on the reverse side that he was surprised such a petition should be presented to him, as he could not permit so heinous a crime to go unpunished. It is reported that the new count who drove the automobile which conveyed Rasputin's body from UsoupofPs house across the river was ordered to leave Petrograd for two months ; that all of the signers of the 'round robin ' were informed that they would find it beneficial to their health to make a visit of from two to four weeks to their respective country places.

"The Minister of the Interior, Protopopoff, was said to have gone into a trance when talking to the Empress a short time before the assassination and when he re- covered himself to have said in answer to an inquiry that he had communicated with Jesus Christ, who had told him to follow the teachings of the Saint Rasputin. ' '

In a letter to Frederick Sterling who had been Second Secretary of the Embassy when I arrived in Petrograd, and who was a St. Louisan, I wrote on January 8th, 1917 :

"Not long before this murder both the Imperial Council and the Congress of Nobles had passed resolu- tions inveighing against 'the invisible influences ' sur- rounding the Government. The influences are commonly referred to as 'dark forces. ' The Emperor has been undoubtedly very much provoked by all these hostile demonstrations, and in his appointment of reactionaries is showing a defiant attitude. Trepoff has resigned as Premier, and is said to have told the Emperor that he would not serve longer with Protopopoff. His resigna- tion was accepted after an interval of about two weeks.

:

TEEASON IN HIGH PLACES 47

IgnatiefT, Minister of Education, and Brobinsky, Minis- ter of Agriculture, have also both resigned for the same reason — namely, hostility to ProtopopofT. Prince Golit- zin has been appointed to succeed Trepoff as Premier. He is a reactionary and is said to have been appointed through the influence of the Empress. He has had charge of her charities and relief work. Last Sunday, which was the Eussian New Year's Bay, Eodzianko, the Presi- dent of the Duma, refused to shake ProtopopofPs hand and told him that he desired to have no relations with him at any time or place. Protopopoff: retorted, 'If that is the case I will send you a challenge !' Eodzianko turned on his heel with the remark, ' I hear you. ' Noth- ing has come of it however. ' '

In a letter to Mrs. Francis, January 15th, 1917, New Style, I wrote :

"It has long been the custom in Eussia for the Emperor to receive the Diplomatic Corps on the Eussian New Year's Day, which is our January 14th. There was no reception January 14th, 1916, because the Emperor was at the front. It was generally understood there would be no reception this year, but the Embassy was notified by the Master of Ceremonies January 10th that the Em- peror would receive the Diplomatic Corps at 4 p.m., Janu- ary lst-14th at Tsarskoe-Selo, and that a special train would be provided for them leaving Petrograd at 2:35 p.m., and leaving Tsarskoe-Selo for the return at 5:30 p.m. I was in Moscow when this notice was received, and Counselor Wright was requested by the Master of Cere- monies to wire me and state that it was expressly desired that I should be present at the reception.

"Accompanied by my staff I left Petrograd on the spe- cial train at 2:35 p.m., arriving at Tsarskoe-Selo about thirty minutes later. Each Ambassador was conveyed from the station to the castle, a distance of about one

48 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

verst or two-thirds of a mile, in a separate carriage ; the Ministers and Staffs of the Embassies and Legations followed in carriages and sleighs loaded to their respec- tive capacities. Upon arrival at the castle the Diplo- matic Corps was conducted to a large room about 120 feet long and about 40 feet wide, richly furnished in gold and red and lighted by hundreds of electric lamps. "When all were assembled each head of a mission took position in his proper order, accompanied by his staff, who stood two paces in the rear. A few minutes later the Emperor entered, accompanied by the Grand Master of Ceremo- nies and by the Marshal of the Court and also by twenty or thirty members of His Court. The Emperor advanced first to the British Ambassador, whom he engaged in conversation for iive or six minutes. The Ambassador read a paper to His Majesty, the contents of which were not made known to the other missions. The conversation between the Emperor and the Ambassador was not audible more than three or four feet away. I have not learned the contents of the paper read by Sir George Buchanan, but conclude that as I was not consulted that the Ambassador did not presume to speak for my Govern- ment. At the end of the conversation between the Em- peror and the Ambassador, the suite of the British Embassy, consisting of about fifteen men, were presented to the Emperor, each man shaking hands with His Maj- esty. After a few words addressed by the Emperor to the members of his suite, His Majesty advanced to the Italian Ambassador where the same proceedings were enacted ; the Italian Ambassador, however, did not have any paper in his hand and the conversation appeared to be of an informal character. The Emperor next ad- vanced to the French Ambassador, with whom he held conversation in an undertone for a few minutes and then

TREASON IN HIGH PLACES 49

the members of the French suite were presented — they were nine in number.

" The Emperor then advanced to myself and after shak- ing hands cordially recalled my presentation to him last May. I remarked that I had learned a great deal more about his country and his people than I knew when I saw him last and had found much in both to admire and much to interest me. He expressed gratification, talking all the time in excellent English (I think his conversation with the Italian and French Ambassador and the Spanish Ambassador and, perhaps, with all of the other heads of the missions except Sir George Buchanan and myself was in French) and when I said to him that I had been endeavoring to promote closer relations between Eussia and America he smilingly and responsively replied : ' Yes, I have heard of your actions in that line and think con- siderable progress has been made.' After a few more words of casual conversation and with sincere expres- sion by me of New Tear's Greetings, I presented the nine members of my Staff to His Majesty and took occa- sion to say some word of commendation or explanation about each member. "We were all impressed with the cordiality of His Majesty's manner, by his poise and his apparent excellent physical condition, as well as by the promptness of his utterances. After leaving the Ameri- can Embassy, the Emperor next conversed with the Spanish Ambassador and then with the heads of all of the other missions, ending his very trying ordeal, which occupied about an hour and twenty minutes, in a talk with the Charge d 'Affaires of the Japanese Embassy. The Emperor was attired in a Cossack uniform, with an overcoat extending to within a few inches of his ankles. He is a man of medium stature and gave appearance of having supreme confidence in himself. During this hour and twenty minutes the members of the Diplomatic Corps

50 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

all retained the positions to which, they were first assigned. The Emperor after leaving the Japanese Embassy, proceeded to the door and, turning with a dignified and graceful bow, saluted the entire Diplomatic Corps and then took his departure, accompanied by his suite.

* ' The Diplomatic Corps numbered over eighty persons ; the chief of every mission was in uniform except the American ; seven members of the American mission were in full dress suits with white vest, white tie and white gloves — the two Naval Attaches and the Military Attache were, of course, in their dress uniforms. After a light luncheon we were driven from the castle to the station in the same order and in the same vehicle that conveyed us from the station. The special train arrived in Petro- grad at the Imperial Station a few minutes after six o 'clock.

" This entire ceremony was very impressive. The scene in the magnificent room was brilliant indeed. The Emperor appeared to me as taking advantage of the occasion to impress his royal personality upon all present.

"On the same day the Emperor announced the new members of the Imperial Council; the names of these members are said to be nearly or quite all those of Reac- tionaries. If so, that is but another indication that His Majesty is not yielding in the slightest degree to the liberal sentiment which expressions in the Duma and in the Imperial Council during the past month, indicate has been spreading throughout the Empire.' f

Little did any of us who were present at this reception know that we were witnessing the last public appearance of the last ruler of the mighty Romanoff dynasty. And as I look back on it I am convinced that just as little did the central figure, the Czar i>f $11 the Russians, realize

TKEASON IN HIGH PLACES 51

that within sixty days he would be compelled to abdicate the throne of his ancestors. In fact he made the im- pression upon me and upon every member of my staff that he was more at his ease and felt more secure in his position than he did when I presented to him seven months earlier my letters from the President of the United States. This complacent monarch had no pre- monition of the storm that was brewing. This weak ruler had no idea that he was standing on a volcano whose eruption within seven short months was to bury himself and his dynasty.

CHAPTER IV RUMBLINGS OF REVOLUTION

On December 23rd, 1916, I delivered to Foreign Min- ister Pokrovski President Wilson's communication to each of the Belligerents requesting them to state the terms upon which they would be willing to make peace and stop the terrible slaughter. A few days before I had delivered to the Minister the overtures for peace of the Central Powers which I had received from the State De- partment. These I handed him without comment. I had told Minister Pokrovski at that time, however, that I would shortly present to him a communication from the President of the United States, but that such message not only was not inspired by the note of the Central Empires, but was being prepared before it was known that the Central Powers were to make any overtures. I read the President's note to the Minister and then delivered the original to him.

Almost exactly a month later I delivered to the Foreign Minister a copy of President Wilson's speech to the Senate in which he outlined the terms and conditions under which the United States might be willing to join with the other Powers for the preservation of the peace of the world after the close of the war — the celebrated fourteen points. The reaction to this message at the time can perhaps best be suggested by giving here an account of a dinner given to some of my colleagues of the Diplomatic Corps representing the Neutral countries and sent to the Secretary immediately afterwards. I said:

RUMBLINGS OF REVOLUTION 53

"I gave a dinner in the Embassy last evening which was attended by the Ministers of Sweden, Norway, Den- mark, Holland, China, Siam and Serbia. There were eighteen plates but only six ladies as most of the mem- bers of the Diplomatic Corps are either unmarried or unaccompanied by their wives. The general subject of discussion was the President's message as I anticipated it would be. It is not surprising that the representatives of these smaller countries should be in entire sympathy with the President's desires, but all of them expressed doubt and fear lest his views might be so impractical as to prevent their being put into operation. I told them that they should bear in mind that this utterance of the President of the United States was not addressed to the Belligerents nor to the Neutrals, but to that branch of his own Government to which, in connection with himself, was entrusted the direction of our foreign relations ; that the message gave the conclusions of the President after mature deliberation as to the kind of a peace which in his judgment would prove lasting and for the preservation of which he would be willing to see our Government enter into a League with other nations. I reminded them that no revolution in the history of the world and in fact no reform had ever been broached or agitated or consum- mated that had not been the result of a moral conviction in the minds and hearts of men and that invariably the first expression of such conviction had appeared to the supporters of the 'old order' as a Utopian dream which society was unprepared to put into effect and that in most instances those advocating such changes had been charged with insincerity and accused of being moved by selfish objects. Of course, there were no speeches at this dinner and this conversation was a mutual interchange of views concerning the President's message and its bearing upon conditions which are unprecedented in the world's history. Every one of these ministers was prompt to avow his belief in the purity and unselfishness of the President's motives, while expressing the fear that his plan for peace would not be realized in connec- tion with the end of the present war.

"The criticism of the President's message most fre-

54 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

quently heard is of that expression that a peace based on victory of either side will not be a lasting peace. While admitting that a cessation of hostilities as the result of a war of conquest would result in a peace char- acterized by bitterness and resentment, the general feel- ing seems to be that Germany merits punishment and should be taught a lesson for the violation of her agree- ments and because of the policy which has characterized her prosecution of the war, which it is charged has been in defiance of all international law and of all of the instincts of civilized society."

Discussion of this speech was, however, soon termi- nated by our breaking off of diplomatic relations with Germany on February 4th. I gave a statement to the newspapers concerning our rupture of diplomatic rela- tions with Germany immediately after the receipt of a cable from the State Department officially informing me of the act. This was necessary in order to give the Rus- sian people a clear idea of what the United States had done. Otherwise they would have thought we had de- clared war. In a letter to Secretary Lansing written at this time, I said:

"The Russians are very much pleased with the stand we have taken and are already beginning to treat us as Allies. The French are delighted also and according to telegraphic reports there have been demonstrations of an enthusiastic nature in Paris.

"I don't like the position of England, or rather that of the British Embassy here. Neither the British Ambas- sador nor the French nor the Italian has called nor have I met any one of them since Bernstorff was given his passports — it seemed to me that it would not have been improper for those Ambassadors to call and express gratification at least that our diplomatic relations with the arch-enemy of their countries had been severed. The Belgian Minister, deBuisseret, did call and expressed

KUMBLINGS OF KEVOLUTION 55

himself as being much pleased with the stand we had taken. The Siamese Minister called yesterday and stated that his Government had instructed him to ascertain what reply the Neutral countries had made or would make to the suggestion of President Wilson that they take similar action to ours. I told him that no official information had been received on the subject, and all I knew concerning it was what had appeared in the public prints. He told me he had called upon me first, but proposed to call upon the Ministers of the other neutral countries, and that when he left the Embassy he would go to the Norwegian Lega- tion. I requested him to telephone me the result of his conference with Minister Prebensen, which he did later and informed me that the Scandinavian countries had come to no conclusion other than an agreement to confer and make a joint reply. Meantime I had telephoned to the Chinese Minister and called at his Legation where he informed me of the action by his government. (China had followed President Wilson's advice and also severed diplomatic relations with Germany.) He seemed very much pleased and I was exceedingly so. I informed the Siamese Minister of the action taken by China and strongly urged him to recommend his government to do likewise — he virtually promised to do so."

It is the practise in the diplomatic service for all Ambassadors and Ministers to submit their resignations at the close of a Presidential term. Accordingly on Feb- ruary 25th, I cabled mine to the President paraphrased in the following terms :

" Understand that it is customary for Ambassadors to tender their resignations at the beginning of a new term. Mine is herewith presented. Am thoroughly reconciled to return or perfectly willing to remain, or would cheer- fully serve in any position where you thought I could be more effective. In this critical juncture personal inte-

56 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

rests and inclinations should be subordinated to country's welfare."

I also requested that if agreeable to the President it be published in the American papers. My object in desiring its publication was to indicate that I had no sympathy with the obstructionists in the United States who were seeking to keep us out of a just and inevitable war — particularly did I wish it understood that I entirely disagreed with Senator Stone of Missouri, my own State. In this connection, I might say that after I had served five months in Russia and had established not only pleas- ant, but friendly relations with the Russian Government, I was told by some of my friends among the Russian officials that I had originally been supposed to be pro- German in my sympathies and that my appointment was thought to have been brought about by pro-German influ- ences in America. This rumor was strengthened by my hailing from St. Louis, where the German element was supposed to predominate.

On March 9th there had just occurred several demon- strations of dissatisfaction by the working people, espe- cially the women. These were caused by the ever-in- creasing difficulty in getting food. Long bread lines were constantly seen, one of them being just across the street from the Embassy; the women formed these at four or five o'clock in the morning and sometimes waited for hours with the thermometer 8 or 10 degrees below zero, and then on reaching the point of distribution, after enduring such hardships for so long, they were told there was no more bread or no sugar. That state of affairs prevailed for several weeks when finally there was no more black bread even. The women became clamorous, the men refused to work in the factories and the inevit- able consequence was a congregation of boisterous

RUMBLINGS OF REVOLUTION 57

crowds on the streets demanding provisions, bread, and in some instances crying for peace. An assemblage of several thousand hungry people on a street near the Embassy was dispersed by the Cossacks, who did not, however, treat the people with cruelty or even harshly. The city is fortunately separated into sections by canals and by the River Neva, upon each side of which are large and compactly built areas. Communication between these sections is by bridges only. On these bridges Cos- sacks were stationed to prevent all suspicious-looking characters from crossing. It was suspected and charged that this scarcity of food was the result of design on the part of some of the members of the Government in order that internal dissensions might justify Russia in concluding a separate peace with the Central Empires. (Under the terms of Russia's agreement with her Allies she could only enter into a separate peace if obliged to do so by internal revolutionary disturbances.) The Cos- sacks who had always obeyed the Emperor's orders im- plicitly, regardless of consequences, were said to be advising the people, while dispersing them, to demand bread or the cessation of the war.

When in the face of these critical and dangerous condi- tions, the Emperor prorogued the Duma, instead of enlarging its powers as he had solemnly promised his apprehensive Ministry he would do, one can readily understand that the effect was like throwing a burning match into a powder magazine.

In the midst of this critical situation Baron Uchida, Japan 's present Minister of Foreign Affairs, arrived in Petrograd as the new Japanese Ambassador. Soon after his arrival he called upon me and I promptly returned his call. I found that he felt particularly friendly toward the United States because he had served on the staff of the Japanese Embassy in Washington, while the Baron-

58 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

ess was a graduate of Bryn Mawr College. Conse- quently our relations speedily became unusually close. Only four days before the outbreak of the March revolu- tion when the desultory street firing which preceded the outbreak had actually begun, I gave a dinner at the Embassy for the Baron and Baroness Uchida, which was the last function of its kind to be attended by Ministers of the Russian Empire.

When bidding my guests good night, I expressed the hope that they would reach their homes safely. As they departed they made jesting references to the disturb- ances and were inclined to accept my solicitude about their safety as a conversational pleasantry.

CHAPTEB V THE MARCH REVOLUTION

The gathering storm of Kevolution soon broke. The American Embassy was in the midst of the fighting. Many of the chief encounters could be seen from the Embassy. More could be heard.

In a dispatch to the Department, I gave the following description of the situation:

"As I have written you from time to time, there has been considerable unrest in Kussia for the past several months. I cabled you about two weeks ago that I had asked for a military guard to be placed at the Austrian Embassy which contains the office of the Second Divi- sion of the American Embassy, and where 12 or 15 of the Embassy employees live. (We had taken over the Austrian Embassy building when we took over Aus- trian interests in Eussia.) Although the Foreign Office promised to send the guard immediately, six days elapsed before any guard made its appearance and then only two soldiers were sent ; that guard was increased to 18 about a week ago. The Austrian Embassy is on Sergiuskaia Street, which is the next parallel street to Fourstatdskaia Street on the West. The Embassy is, as you know, at No. 34 Fourstatdskaia and faces' South; the block is perhaps 1,000 to 1,200 feet long; the street on the West is Liteiny, which is about 1,000 feet distant ; on the East is Voskresensky which is about 200 feet away. There are tram cars on both streets, but no cars have been operat- ing for two or three days. On Friday, March 9th, crowds visited a number of factories and ordered the men to stop work, which they promptly did. Yesterday, Sunday, there were soldiers in the streets and perhaps 50 people were killed or wounded, but most of the firing was with

60 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

blank cartridges. Yesterday evening the order was given that no persons or vehicles should go on the streets to-day. About ten o'clock this morning a regiment of 1,000 to 1,200 men stationed in barracks about two blocks from the Embassy mutinied and, according to reports, killed their commanding officer because he would not join them.

uAt 11:30 a.m., Mr. Miles phoned me from the Second Division in the Austrian Embassy that some of the muti- neers accompanied by many revolutionists had visited the munition factory adjoining the Austrian Embassy; had killed the officer in command there, and had ordered the men to quit work; that many of the employees and one lieutenant had come into the Austrian Embassy, crawling through the back windows to seek protection from the angry crowd. Mr. Miles said that he was at the time endeavoring to prevent more employees from entering the Embassy and fearing that the crowd might learn that the Embassy was being used as a refuge he called me up and requested an additional guard. I tele- phoned to the Foreign Office and was assured that the guard would be strengthened if possible, but that it must be done by the War Department or General Staff, with which the Foreign Office would immediately communi- cate. That was the last communication I had with the Imperial Foreign Office.

"This is written at 8 p.m. For four or five hours (here have been crowds on the Liteiny which is the most frequented thoroughfare in this section of the city, and Secretary Bailey who came to the Embassy from his apartment at about 3 :30 p.m. reported that he had seen four dead and five wounded men lying on Liteiny. Within one hour thereafter many of the mutineers were seen walking on Fourstatdskaia in front of the Embassy, some with guns and some without. There also marched by the Embassy in the roadway a body of about one hundred men in citizens ' clothes who carried muskets but observed no order of marching and appeared to have no commanding officer. During this hour, from 4 to 5 p.m., there also passed in front of the Embassy a number of motor cars filled with sol-

THE MARCH REVOLUTION 61

diers with guns, but in every car there were some citizens or men in citizens ' clothes who were no doubt revolu- tionists. About this hour the Embassy was informed by telephone that the Duma had been dissolved or pro- rogued until about the middle of April. I heard later that this order was issued yesterday afternoon but as there have been no newspapers for the past two days it was not known until the hour for the Duma's assemblage, and I suppose the members were ignorant of it until they went to the hall for the meeting.

"At about 6 p.m., Captain McCully, the Naval Attache of the Embassy, who had left for his apartment about 5, telephoned that in his walk from the Embassy to his apartment, a distance of over a mile, he had seen neither police nor soldiers who acknowledged fealty to the Government, but had passed a thousand or more cavalrymen riding quietly toward the Neva and aban- doning the streets of the city to the mutineers and revo- lutionists. About 6:30 p.m. the telephone connection of the Embassy was severed. Between 7 :30 and this writ- ing, 9 :30 p.m., many rumors have come to the Embassy through the Secretaries and other attaches. Mr. Basil Miles, Director of the Second Division, took the women employees from the Austrian Embassy to the Hotel de France, where they are quartered for the night. The city seems entirely quiet but absolutely under the control of the soldiers who have mutinied, and of the revolu- tionists. It is reported that six regiments have joined the revolutionists and the Government seems to have abandoned all effort to curb the revolution. One rumor is to the effect that the Duma, after being dissolved, assembled notwithstanding the royal decree, and de- clared the Ministry deposed and made the President of the Duma, Rodzianko, the President of the Council of Ministers. The President of the Imperial Council, a Reactionary, is said to be under arrest. Another rumor is to the effect that Grand Duke Nicholas has been made Commander-in-Chief of all the Russian forces to sup- plant the Emperor. I cannot vouch for the truth of any of these rumors, but the Duma has certainly been pro- rogued until the middle of April, and the order to that

62 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

effect is said to have been signed by the Emperor several days ago.

"I had a telephonic talk with Moscow today about noon and Consul-General Summers reported that every- thing was quiet in that city ; the treatment of the Duma, however, will arouse every section of the Empire. No one can foretell what to-morrow will bring forth. It is said that the Ministers of State have all left their respec- tive houses for fear the revolutionists will arrest them. One theory is that the city has been abandoned and will be subjugated by being starved out.

"Every thing depends upon the Army. If the Grand Duke Nicholas, who is known to be very antagonistic to Pro-German influences, which are said to be dominating the Emperor through the Empress, should assume com- mand of the Army it would be very likely to rally to his appeal. The Emperor, however, has many friends, and it is not likely that he will yield without a struggle.

"The antagonism to the Minister of the Interior, Protopopoff, is bitter and quite general as he is charged with being the creature of Rasputin and is also suspected of German sympathy and of having assisted in bringing about the scarcity of food in order that the resulting unrest might justify Russia in making a separate peace. ' '

During this same eventful day the Countess Nostitz, who lives near the Embassy, called me up and told me that an army officer had just died in the lazaret on the first floor of her house, having been shot because he refused to give up his sword to the revolutionists. When I put up the receiver I ordered the "dvornicks" and employees of the Embassy who were standing on the the sidewalk "rubbering," to come into the house and lock the gates.

At about midnight my secretary, Mr. Johnston, and I started out for a walk to see what was " doing.' 9 When less than a block from the Embassy door we saw a group of men on an intersecting street and heard rifle shots. Concluding that a walk in that direction would be indis-

THE MARCH REVOLUTION" 63

creet we started back toward the Embassy. Just as we turned the corner we came upon about fifteen soldiers carrying guns, but not in formation and evidently under the influence of liquor. As we passed one of them held his gun in very uncomfortable proximity to my secre- tary's stomach. We heard no further disturbances dur- ing the night. The twelve or fifteen members of the staff who lived in the Austrian Embassy after two or three unsuccessful attempts to reach that building, which is only three blocks away, decided to spend the night with us.

The next morning there was still firing in the streets and many people were killed, a few accidentally. Many citizens, as well as the revolutionary soldiers, had arms. They paraded the streets and when they met an officer demanded his sword. If he refused to give it up they shot him. They showed a particularly unrelenting hatred of the police whom they shot on sight. The Commercial Attache's cook when two blocks from the Embassy saw a policeman's head severed from his body by a saber. The cook had hysterics for several hours afterwards. The police tried to disguise themselves in soldiers' uni- forms and in citizens' clothes. Some of them placed minute guns on the roofs of houses and fired into the crowds as they marched by. They also fired into the crowds from windows of houses and even from hospitals in which they had hidden. When this happened soldiers and students would raid the houses and kill all the police they could catch. In some cases they would lead them out into the street and then shoot them.

I remained in the Embassy during the day. By 5 :30 in the afternoon the shooting had become so incessant and so wild that for the first time I ordered the flag raised over the building. The Italian Embassy had raised three flags during the forenoon. Just before the

64 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

flag was raised two soldiers had called at tlie Embassy and asked if there was an automobile in the building. The "dvornick" who opened the door, replied that there was one but that it was a small one and not a very good one (referring to my "Ford" which I had bought with which to go to and from the golf course), and he added "This is the American Embassy."

At that the soldiers replied, "Why didn't you raise your flag?" and went away. During the day a crowd of soldiers and citizens visited the French Embassy with a band which played the Marseillaise, and one of the attaches came out and made a non-committal speech.

During all of this time the Duma was in session, having refused to obey the Emperor's order to dissolve. They were striving to organize a Provisional Government. From time to time they issued orders and manifestoes signed by the President of the Duma, as Chairman of the Provisional Government Commission. The streets were filled with bands of soldiers who in many instances were led by students who as a class were very enthu- siastic revolutionists.

During the night the firing was continuous, some of it by mitrailleuse. A barricade was made at the inter- section of Liteiny and Serguiskaia, a corner of the block in which the American Embassy is located, and there were placed three cannon pointing toward the Nevsky Prospect — the most frequented avenue in Petrograd. On this day also Lieu tenant-General Stackelberg was shot. He was a veteran of the Russo-Turkish and the Russo-Japanese Wars and had served as Military Attache with various Russian Embassies. For several months he had been the Military Commander of all the Russian hospitals in Petrograd. I had made his acquaint- ance in connection with the exchange of a German and an Austrian officer. I had seen him several times, highly

THE MAKCK EEVOLUTION 65

respected him and also liked him very much. A band of soldiers demanded admission to the General's apartment. When the porter refused to admit them they fired on him and killed him after he had killed two of them. The General then came to the door with his revolver, and after killing several more of the soldiers, tried to escape. He was killed, however, after eleven of his assailants had fallen. The remaining soldiers then mutilated his body, rode their horses over it; and, according to one report, severed his head from his body, put it on a spike and used it as a target.

On Wednesday, the 14th, the firing on the streets continued and desultory parties of from two to a dozen armed men wandered about without restraint of any kind. They were fired at from windows and from house- tops as they passed, supposedly by policemen, and when- ever this occurred the bands would fire back wildly. The Duma in the Tauride Palace was the place to which soldiers and revolutionists both armed and unarmed reported and to which they took such prisoners as they did not kill. Irresponsible soldiers, and citizens who had taken arms from the police or the armories, arrested, sometimes with and sometimes without orders, all the Ministers of the Imperial Government whom they could find except Pokrovsky, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Grigorovitch, the Minister of the Admiralty. On arriving at the Duma the captives were turned over to tribunals which were often self-constituted and were locked up in rooms of the Palace. Ex-Premier Stunner was among those captured and after being confined for some time in the Palace was taken across the Neva to the prison of St. Peter and Paul Fortress. The arch- offender, Minister of the Interior, Protopopoff, could not be found, but finally went voluntarily to the Duma and approaching a student said, "Are you a student! " On

66 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

receiving an affirmative reply, he said, "I am Protopop- off and I have come to give myself np. ' ' He was taken before one of the tribunals and had he not been protected would have been killed on the spot. He too, was confined in the prison of St. Peter and Paul. Another hated char- acter, Sokomlinoff, ex-Minister of War, was brought to the Duma and when the enraged soldiers were prevented from killing him they demanded that he be led down a hall some 300 feet long, so that they might have oppor- tunity to tell him to his face their opinion of his treachery. He, too, was at length locked up in St. Peter and Paul Prison. Many army officers from Lieutenant- Generals to Lieutenants were also seized and taken to the Duma. Among these was General (Count) Nostitz, a wealthy nobleman whose wife is an American and who was in the entourage of the Emperor. Two other high Russian officers married to American women, Prince Belloselsky, who married a Miss Whitman of New York, and Baron Ramsai, whose wife was a Miss Whitehouse, obeyed the summons of the Duma and took the oath of fealty to the new Government. The number of such officers finally became so great they could not all get in the Tauride Palace, whereupon they were directed to go to the Officers Club on the Liteiny, about two blocks from the Embassy, and to register their allegiance. As I said in my report to the Department:

"During the day, March 14th, the Duma Commission headed by its President, Rodzianko, made considerable headway toward asserting its authority and restoring order. That commission was empowered by the Duma to name a Ministry, the composition of which was announced the following day. The members of that Ministry are men of education, of good records, some of them possessed of great wealth, and their selection does great credit to the judgment of the Commission by which they were chosen.

THE MAECH REVOLUTION 67

" About midnight, it became known that a body of armed men, the Gens d'Armes, who were supposed to be loyal to the Emperor, were to arrive at the Baltic station to suppress the revolution. Revolutionary representa- tives were sent to the station to meet them and to per- suade them to join the revolution; armed bodies were also sent to the station to resist the new-comers in the event they could not be persuaded or converted. Upon arrival, however, these supposedly loyal men also joined the revolution. It had been reported during the day that the garrison at Tsarskoe-Selo, the palace where lived the Empress, her four daughters and one son, had also gone over to the revolutionary party. The report proved to be true, as the Empress telephoned to Rodzianko and asked for protection. At about 12 :30 at night I walked, accompanied by my secretary, Johnston, around two or three blocks adjoining the Embassy. We met a body of armed men, two or three hundred in number, marching quietly down Sergiuskaia, and apparently commanded by non-commissioned officers. Firing was kept up dur- ing the night, but was not so frequent as during the preceding nights. As we were returning to the Embassy we were stopped by two very alert soldiers and asked who we were. Our reply appeared unsatisfactory and they called the non-commissioned officer commanding them. Upon his approach, I advanced toward him and pointing to myself said in Russian: 'Amerikanski PasoP — i American Ambassador. ' Thereupon he saluted me, motioned Mr. Johnston and myself to proceed and directed the two soldiers to pass on. In the light of sub- sequent events I must admit that these midnight walks of Tuesday and "Wednesday were more reckless than discreet. ' f

u March 15th. "During this day comparative quiet prevailed. The abdication of the Emperor was authoritatively an- nounced and his manifesto published in circular form and distributed on the streets — no newspapers had been published since the morning of Saturday, March 10th. Later in the day, Grand Duke Michael, in whose favor

68 KUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

the Emperor had abdicated, was summoned to the Duma and issued a manifesto accepting the authority trans- ferred to him on condition that the people of Russia so desired, and pledged himself that if the people desired it he would exercise the functions of the office under the control and advice of the representatives selected by the people. Meantime several manifestoes or proclamations and some orders had been issued by a committee calling itself ' Commission of Workingmen and Soldiers ' Depu- ties ' ; these publications were violent in tone and tended to alarm all law-abiding citizens, as they advised the soldiers, of whom there were thousands walking the streets, that they were not compelled to salute their officers and that they could by a vote select their own commanders. This commission is .still professing or attempting to exercise authority and is in almost con- tinuous session in the Duma building — in fact, they were meeting in the Duma hall last evening when I went to the Duma building unofficially, accompanied by my secre- tary and colored valet, Philip Jordan. This visit was made incognito, but in order to gain admission to the building I was compelled to reveal my identity to the guard, and upon doing so was shown every courtesy. I was asked whom I wished to see and although there was disappointment when I said 'no one/ and it was learned that I was only a sightseer, there was always a soldier or student at hand who spoke English and very courte- ously conducted me through the building. This was my second visit to the Duma building. On my first visit, the large white hall, called Catherine Hall, was filled with two regiments who were enroute from Siberia to France, but who on arriving in Petrograd had joined the revolution. On the second visit we were conducted to a door of the Duma hall where we saw a large audi- ence composed of soldiers and agitators or workingmen 's delegates listening to a speaker in the Tribune who wore a soldier 's uniform. ' '

1 'March 16th. "On this day there were still a few parties of armed men walking the streets and an occasional shot was heard

THE MARCH REVOLUTION 69

but the new Ministry had assumed authority and issued a proclamation appealing to the reason and patriotism of the people and calling upon them to observe order and support the Provisional Government which had suc- ceeded the detested Administration of the Imperial power exercised by Protopopoff and his hated police. On this day the new Ministers assumed charge of their respective Departments and made some progress toward administering the affairs of the Government, a new Prefect of Police had been appointed and was endeavor- ing to suppress the irresponsible soldiers and armed civilians who had been walking the streets for five days without restraint. Reports came to Petrograd from Mos- cow, Kieff and other cities to the effect that the authority of the Provisional Government was being accepted and its representatives installed without bloodshed or oppo- sition of any kind. On the afternoon of this day the newspapers were again issued. The commanders of two of the Russian fronts under whom were hundreds of thou- sands of soldiers publicly announced their allegiance to the new government and it began to appear as if the revolution was successful in every respect. Reports of the unfortunate and unprovoked killing of some of the naval commanders even after they had acknowledged allegiance to the new government produced depression but the Imperial Government and its friends had been so completely over-awed that they made no attempt to resist the new order. In fact, all who were opposed to anarchy had about arrived at the conclusion that the only way to avoid such a reign was to yield willing allegiance to the new Ministry if not to support it aggressively.

" March 17th. "On this day the abdication of the Emperor for him- self and son was officially promulgated. The authority of the new Ministers who had taken charge of their respective Departments was generally recognized. The soldiers and students and the unreasonable revolution- ists seemed to be exhausted and willing to rest and take stock of the surrounding conditions. By this time all thought of the Imperial Party attempting any opposition

70 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

to the new Ministry was abandoned. The program of the Duma began to be discussed. The plan was a most comprehensive one and eminently wise. The Duma, a committee of which had named the Ministry, had practi- cally abdicated and all governmental authority was vested in a Council of Ministers, the personality of whose members seemed to meet with universal satisfaction, and in fact commendation. Meetings of the 'Commis- sion of Workingmen's and Soldiers' Deputies' were continued in the Duma. Soldiers in uniform and armed were marching in the streets and although they had few commissioned officers they were keeping step, observing discipline and making efforts to enforce order. The revo- lutionists were divided in judgment or preference as to whether the Provisional Government should be suc- ceeded by a republic or a constitutional monarchy. There was no difference of feeling, however, concerning the wisdom of respecting the authority of the Provisional Government. That was the condition at the end of six memorable days during which the extent and the marvel- ous success and the comparatively bloodless consum- mation of a widespread revolution had surprised and stunned even its projectors and most ardent champions. ' '

The day before I had said in a letter to Madden Sum- mers, Consul-General at Moscow:

"Whitehouse and Riggs have just brought into the Embassy a report which seems authentic to the effect that the Czar has abdicated for himself and for the Czarevitch in favor of his brother Michael. And just before W. and R. met the man with whom they were talking and from whom they got this information, Schid- loffsky, one of the Duma Committee of Twelve, a tele- gram had been received from Grand Duke Michael also abdicating. These men reported that there was great excitement in the Duma and that Schidloffsky told them there was only one thing determined and that was that no Romanoff should succeed to the throne. The work-

THE MAECH EEVOLUTION 71

ingmen's party have been joined by some soldiers, I don't know bow many, and they bave a committee called 'Committee of Workingmen's Party and Soldiers' Depu- ties'; tbis committee bas issued a number of proclama- tions— I tbink several daily — and these pronunciamentos bave been filled with rot. That organization demands a republic.

"The Ministry selected seems to be composed of good men whose selection reflects credit on the judgment of the authorities by whom they were chosen. I am much pleased to hear that the President of the Ministry, Lvoff, is a first cousin of your mother-in-law and that other members of the Ministry are connected with your family and that you know many of them personally. I have been of the opinion that it would be unwise to attempt to estab- lish a republican form of government in Eussia just now, but if such men as these are put at the helm, it is possible they may be able to steer through the breakers that beset its course. The Duma party favors a vigorous prosecu- tion of the war, but the utterances of the Workingmen and Soldiers Deputies Committee declare in favor of concerted action on the part of the proletariat of the belligerent countries in putting an end to a war which they say is waged in the interest of capital at the expense of labor and the laboring classes.

"There is a rumor this afternoon that Emperor William has been deposed and there have been rumors extant for several days to the effect that there is a revo- lution in Germany. One report is that there was a bread riot in Berlin, and that the people went to the Imperial Palace en masse and demanded bread of the Emperor, who replied by turning the hose on them, and that there- upon the mob demolished the palace. There are so many rumors, however, that one does not know which to credit if any. ' '

72 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

I have since realized that these rumors of a German revolution and all similar rumors were deliberately circu- lated by the radical leaders in order to make their plan for a world revolution appear feasible.

In a dispatch to the Department, of March 15th, in commenting on the revolution, I said :

"This is undoubtedly a revolution, but it is the best managed revolution that has ever taken place, for its magnitude. The Duma is assuming control and is exer- cising its authority in Petrograd with rare good judg- ment. Its President, Rodzianko, is head of the provi- sional government and is called 'Chairman of the Com- mission. ' Bulletins are issued, although no newspapers are published, giving official information concerning events. This one that came to the Embassy this morn- ing gives the names of a new Cabinet of Ministers — in some cases two or more are appointed instead of one as heretofore. The Emperor was stopped on his way to Tsarskoe-Selo — from the front — and there are rumors about his being forcibly detained; in fact, one of the Assistant Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Polotsoff, made this statement to Mr. Miles yesterday afternoon.

"Upon the whole Russia is to be congratulated in my judgment on the prospect of getting through an impor- tant change in government with so little bloodshed and without material interference with the war she is wag- ing with powerful antagonists. One cause of this revolu- tion is a suspicion on the part of the army and of the people who call themselves true Russians, that the Empress and those surrounding her have been planning a separate peace with the enemy and that the Emperor has yielded too often and too completely to her in- fluence. ' '

In a circular letter addressed to my colleagues in the American diplomatic service, I commented thus upon the outcome of the revolution:

"At this writing, Saturday, March 24th, orderly quiet

THE MAECH EEVOLUTION 73

prevails and every day it continues strengthens the present government. The Government is the Ministry which is in absolute control and its authority is loyally recognized by the army and navy and by every munici- pality and province in Eussia so far as known. The duty and prerogative of this Ministry is to call a constit- uent assembly, or a convention as we would designate it, the members of which are to be chosen by universal suffrage, including women. That assembly will be em- powered to determine the kind of a government Eussia will have, whether a republic or a constitutional mon- archy. In the wise plan worked out by the Duma, through the Committee appointed to select the Ministry, care was taken that the Imperial succession should not lapse, and thus a claim of any member of the royal family to the throne by virtue of blood succession was barred. That was done by having the Emperor abdicate for himself and the Czarevitch in favor of his brother, Michael, and then Michael was ' persuaded ' to accept the transferred crown on condition that the people of Eus- sia so desired, and when and if so accepted to exercise its functions under the advice or control of a law making body elected by, and representative of, the people. "

In a dispatch to the Secretary of State sent the next day, March 25th, I touched upon the vulnerable spot in the new Government — the point at which entered the poison which eventually destroyed the entire govern- mental organism. I said:

"As to present conditions, the situation is very re- markable. While the authority of the Ministry is rec- ognized throughout Eussia the Ministers very candidly tell me that of the troops in Petrograd, numbering from 100,000 to 150,000, a majority are on the side of the workingmen and are influenced more (if not absolutely)

74 EUSSIA FKOM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY

by the Committee of Workingmen's Party and Soldiers' Deputies than by the Ministry itself. The policemen, who were so bitterly hated by the people, and who were pursued so mercilessly during the three days of rioting, are all in confinement and are to be sent to the front. The patrol of the city is still under an officer called the 1 Grande Archalnick,' who was selected by the Ministry with the approval of the Workingmen's and Soldiers' Deputies. The patrol is composed of soldiers who walk the streets in companies of two or four, and by what is called the 'city militia' — a body composed mostly of stu- dents, armed with guns and patrolling generally in groups of the same size. It speaks highly for the spirit of this revolution that notwithstanding the want of respect for authority, order is so well preserved — there are very few disturbances. On the first day of the revo- lution the prison doors were opened and the inmates liberated. The incentive to this action was the desire of the populace and the revolutionary soldiers to liberate the political prisoners, but they failed to make distinc- tion when they opened the prison doors, with the result that hundreds of hardened criminals were released to prey upon the public. Some of these criminals dressed in soldiers' uniforms went .to private residences and demanded admittance to search for firearms and while in the houses committed thefts. The present police authority is attempting to arrest these fugitive crimi- nals, and very few of them are still at large — many of them, in fact, are reported to have returned voluntarily to their prisons.

"An assistant to the Prefect of Police called at the Embassy Monday or Tuesday and said he desired to send a guard of seven soldiers to protect the Embassy. I had seen no occasion for a guard, but thinking it unwise to refuse and fearing the Prefect knew more of the dan- ger of the Embassy than I did, I consented. Seven soldiers with guns and fixed bayonets appeared the fol- lowing day. One was stationed at the front door, the other at the gateway, and quarters were provided for the remaining five; these soldiers were given by the Embassy two roubles (Bs.2.00) per day each for their

THE MABCH REVOLUTION 75

subsistence. Yesterday, March 24th, the Embassy was notified that there was no longer occasion for a guard and the soldiers left about 5 o 'clock in the afternoon.

'"It is marvelous that there doesn't seem to be as much scarcity of food as there was before the revolution began, notwithstanding that the transportation lines have been crippled and fewer trains have been operated. Indeed the cause of the outbreaks was that the people believed that food was not half as scarce as the dealers or the Government supply station professed.

" During the first two or three days of the revolution, March 12th-14th, the bread lines disappeared and I have neither seen nor heard of any during the past four days. Sugar which could not be obtained for three roubles (90c) per pound, I understand, is now on sale at eighty kopeks (24c) per pound, and it is the same with butter."

An. eye-witness has described the abdication of the Czar and the events immediately preceding it in an account written for a Russian newspaper.

It seems that on the night of March 14th, 1916, the Emperor's train, preceded by a train under command of Major-General Tsabel, Commandant of the Railway Regiment, was on the way from Staff Headquarters to Tsarskoe-Selo whither Nicholas had been summoned by the Empress. With the Emperor on the Imperial train were the feeble old Count Fredericks, the celebrated Admiral Niloff, former Commander of the Marines of the Guard and the Commandant of the Palace, Voeikoff. The Emperor 's companions were drinking heavily and Admi- ral Niloff kept urging the Emperor to drink.

At this time the Emperor had not been informed of the situation in Petrograd and Voeikoff and Niloff were afraid lest he should learn the truth. At one o'clock General Tsabel became excited and told Voeikoff he must tell the Emperor, otherwise he, Tsabel, would tell him himself. Voeikoff agreed but told the Czar a much modi-

76 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

fied story. Later, the Emperor called Niloff and asked him what was going on in Petrograd. Niloff answered that though there were great disorders, a telegram had just come stating that 700 knights of St. George were then on their way to Petrograd and that these brave soldiers could quickly put down all revolt.

At this point General Tsabel entered the train and said:

"All this is a lie! Your Majesty, they are deceiving you. Here is the telegram. See, it reads, 'Petrograd, Commandant of the Nicholas Railway Station, Lieu- tenant Grekoff. . . . Hold at Station Vishera Train No. A, and when you dispatch it send it to Petrograd and not to Tsarskoe-Selo.' "

The Emperor jumped up.

"What's this? Revolt! Lieutenant Grekoff com- mands Petrograd?"

Tsabel replied :

"Your Majesty, in Petrograd there are 60,000 soldiers with their officers at their head that have already gone over to the side of the temporary Government. Your Majesty has been declared dethroned. Rodzianko has proclaimed to the whole of Russia that a new order has come to hand. You cannot go ahead ; Deputy Bublikoff is running all the railroads."

In extreme surprise, perplexity and anger the Emperor cried :

"Why have you not told me anything about this sooner? Why are you telling me only now, after all is over?"

But after a minute with calm despondency he said :

"Well, thank God! I'll go to Livadia. If the people want me to, I'll abdicate and retire to Livadia to my garden. I love flowers."

At the station of Dno, they came up with the train of

THE MAECH REVOLUTION 77

General Ivanoff, who reported to the Emperor all that had happened in the capitals and said :

' ' The revolutionists have got the power in their hands. The only salvation now is to go to the army."

One of those present belonging to the Emperor's suite affirms that at this moment General Voeikoff cried :

"Only one thing remains to be done now. Open the Minsk front to the Germans and let the German armies come in and put down this rabble ! ' '

Drunk as he was, Admiral Niloff grew indignant and said :

"That would hardly do any good, for they would take Russia and they would not give it up again to us. ' '

Voeikoff kept on urging his plan, however, assuring the Emperor that, according to what Princess Vassil- chikoff: had reported, Emperor William was making war not on Emperor Nicholas but on Russia with its anti- dynastic tendencies.

To this the Emperor replied:

"Yes, Gregory Ephimovich (Rasputin) often talked to me along this line, but we would not listen to him. This could have been done when the German armies were in front of Warsaw, but I never would have betrayed the Russian people/ '

So saying, the Emperor wept.

Then, after a moment's silence, he added:

"If only my wife and children have been saved, I shall go to Livadia and pass the rest of my life there in peace and quiet. Let Michael rule the best he can. By the way, he is liked."

The Emperor had left Tsarskoe-Selo for Moghileff early Friday morning, March 9th, after being persuaded by the Empress and Protopopoff to destroy the decrees which he had promised the Ministry to issue to the Duma, extending the powers of the Duma, and promising a new

78 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

Constitution to Russia. These decrees had been drawn up by the Council of Ministers and sent by Protopopoff to the Palace at Tsarskoe-Selo for the Emperor's signa- ture. When the Empress saw them she was very indig- nant, and, seconded by ProtopopofT succeeded in con- vincing the Emperor that he was making a mistake in adopting such a liberal policy. Nicholas II. in his weak- ness yielded to the arguments of his wife, ably and aggressively seconded by the Minister of the Interior, who assured the Emperor that he could suppress any uprising of the people. It was a fatal moment for the Czar when he yielded to this appeal of the Czarina. If he had been firm and had complied with his promise to the Council of Ministers the Revolution could at least have been deferred. Before a week had elapsed the Emperor had abdicated the throne which he had inherited from his ancestors and the Romanoff Dynasty was no more. If he had signed the liberal decrees prepared for him and which he had pledged himself to sign, the result would have been far different. Russia would have probably continued in the war until its successful ending and hundreds of thousands of lives of the youths of the Allies would have been spared.

Rodzianko had telegraphed the Emperor once Monday the 12th and twice on Tuesday, but the telegrams had not been delivered to the Emperor until Tuesday eve- ning, when the Russian officer had threatened to commu- nicate their contents to the Emperor himself if General VoeikofF, Commandant of the Palace, did not deliver them to His Majesty.

The Emperor at once decided to go to Petrograd, but his advisers persuaded him to go to Tsarskoe-Selo first and call a meeting of his Ministers. The special train was hastily prepared, and the Emperor started from Moghilefr" for Tsarskoe-Selo. During the night the train

THE MAECH REVOLUTION 79

was stopped and upon Voeikoff being informed that the road was blocked he changed the route and the train proceeded. The next morning the Imperial Party arrived at Pskoff where it was held by the Superinten- dent of the Station to await the arrival of the two deputies of the Provisional Government, as related in the article quoted above. These two deputies were Goutchkoff and Shulgin who had been sent by the Pro- visional Government to demand the abdication of the Emperor. He received them courteously and upon being informed of their business calmly said he was ready to abdicate in favor of Grand Duke Michael not only for himself but for his son also. Retiring into his private room he came out a few minutes later with a typewritten document which he submitted to Goutchkoff and Shulgin, and upon their approving, promptly signed his abdica- tion. It was witnessed by Count Fredericks, the Mare- schal of the Imperial Court, who had served the Crown loyally for nearly forty years. This occurred late Wed- nesday evening, March 14th, and the Emperor in a private wire conversation with the Empress the next morning did not tell her of his abdication. The first knowledge she had of it was on the afternoon of Thurs- day, on the arrival of an officer with a guard, who informed her that she was under arrest "When she asked where the Emperor was, he told her that he had abdicated. She retorted, "It is a lie, I talked to him this morning and he did not tell me of it." What must have been her feelings when she was convinced of the truth of the abdication ! Did she realize she was respon- sible for it? Both the Emperor and the Empress have long since paid the penalty of their follies. Upon abdi- cating the Emperor asked of the delegates of the Provi- sional Government what disposition they proposed to make of him. and they replied that he could return to

80 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

Headquarters if he so desired. He did return to Moghi- lefY, and remained there four days, during which time he was visited by the Empress Dowager, who endeavored to comfort him, but from all accounts she was more perturbed than he was. The Emperor did not seem to realize what had happened. At the end of four days when he was ordered to Tsarskoe-Selo Palace he went quietly and calmly while his mother, the Empress Dowa- ger, in bidding him good-by was overcome with emotion.

Upon his arrival at Tsarskoe-Selo he was received by the Empress, whose spirit had not been broken. Her children were seriously ill with the measles and had absorbed her attention. A few days later Kerensky, the Minister of Justice of the Provisional Government, visited the Emperor and had an hour's conference with him. Toward the end of the conversation, the Empress is said to have entered the room and upon the Emperor presenting Kerensky to her, the latter kissed her hand and drawing up a chair invited her to be seated. Straightening her queenly figure, she remarked, "I do not need to be offered a chair in my own palace. ' ' This to the man to whom she was probably indebted for her life and the Emperor's. Kerensky had during the first days of the Revolution exerted his potential influence with the violent workmen and soldiers to prevent them from committing excesses. Too much credit cannot be given Kerensky for his conduct during the first week of the Revolution.

The Emperor and Empress were permitted to have private conversation during the first two days after the Emperor's arrival, but they were separated during the remainder of their stay at Tsarskoe-Selo, only being permitted to see each other at meals when there was always a representative of the Provisional Government in attendance. When someone in authority was asked

i

THE MAECH REVOLUTION 81

why the Emperor and Empress were not permitted to enjoy each other's society, the reply was, "He is too weak and she is too strong."

Upon the occasion of Kerensky 's visit to Tsarskoe an incident occurred relating to the Czarevitch. The story is told that when Kerensky emerged from the conference he was approached by the Czarevitch, who, after making known his own identity, asked Kerensky if he was the Minister of Justice of the Provisional Government.

"Yes," said Kerensky, "I am."

"I want to know," said the Czarevitch, "if my father had any right to abdicate for me when he abdicated for himself. ' '

Kerensky 's reply is not recorded. Another instance of children asking questions which learned and wise men were unable to answer.

CHAPTER VI

AMERICAN RECOGNITION OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERN- MENT

In the absence of instructions from the Department of State I did not feel authorized to have any official com- munication with the Provisional Government. Realiz- ing, however, that the Embassy was confronted by con- ditions with which the Department was unacquainted, I determined to take advantage of personal acquaintance- ship in order to advise myself authoritatively for the purpose of communicating with the Department and giving my opinion if not making an outright request for authority to act. By telephone I made an engagement with Michael Rodzianko, President of the Duma, whom I knew personally and who was the man who had offi- cially promulgated the decrees of that body which, by refusing to obey the decree of the Emperor ordering its adjournment, had commanded the attention and in fact the admiration and respect of all opponents of autocratic government. He received me cordially at his residence and in a conversation of about half an hour I learned from an authoritative source the plans of the leaders of this remarkable uprising which had met with such univer- sal approval among all classes of Russia's immense population. I told Mr. Rodzianko that I was making an unofficial call upon him in order to learn the truth con- cerning the state of affairs so that I could cable the same to my government and could base thereon my judgment as to future developments. ' '

Rodzianko had been President of the Fourth Duma

82

AMERICAN RECOGNITION 83

since its organization and had made a satisfactory pre- siding officer; impartial in his rulings and prompt in his decisions. He was a large man, over six feet in height and very heavy, weighing almost three hundred pounds. I had met him several times — in fact he had dined with me previous to the Revolution. He was an eloquent speaker and had a great voice that could reach thousands of auditors in the open air, and it was a familiar saying among Russians that Rodzianko 's voice "on a still day could be heard a verst" — which is about two-thirds of a mile. He was a constitutional monarchist by conviction and a large landowner, but very liberal in his views; I don't think he acknowledged allegiance to any party. He spoke English fairly well and was very affable and approachable. He received me in his study or library and when I stated the object of my call seemed very much interested. At the time of my call the Revolution had been in progress six days and during all that time he had been in the Duma building, and my recollection is that he told me the preceding night was the only night he had stayed at home since the Sunday night before. He was not as clear in his statements concerning the plans of the Provisional Government as was Miliukoff and before I suggested calling on MiliukofT as I had intended, he advised me to do so and made the engagement for me. The President of the Duma while much respected for his character and oratorical ability was not considered the strongest man in that body. At the time of my call he was on the top wave of his popularity; he was President of the Commission of Twelve appointed by the Duma to select a Ministry for the Provisional Government, and his speaking qualities had made him quite prominent during the previous six days in addressing soldiers who left their barracks and marched to the Duma in bodies of a thousand or more, and in addressing the crowds that

84 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

assembled in the building and adjacent grounds. I never learned whether it was the President that made the sug- gestion to the Duma to adjourn sine die but always thought that adjournment was a mistake. The Com- mission of Twelve, of which Rodzianko was made Chair- man, was vested with full power to select a new Ministry and as an extra precaution was instructed by the Duma to cease functioning when the Ministers had been named. This was also a mistake in my judgment. The Duma was the most representative body in Russia at the time of the Revolution and if it had not been dissolved by its own vote could have remained in session notwith- standing the decree of the Emperor ordering its dissolu- tion. Furthermore, it could have directed the Com- mission of Twelve to report to it and would have thereby strengthened the Provisional Government. However, the Workmen's Party under the leadership of Chidzi was exercising authority in the Duma building, and increased its power by giving to the soldiers representation in their organization after which it was named Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies; later by adding representation for the Peasants it came to be known as the " Workmen's, Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies." The members of the Duma no doubt reasoned that if they continued in session it would provoke a contest with the Workmen, Soldiers and Peasants ; furthermore the Clergy and Mon- archists constituted a potential faction in the member- ship of the Duma. A stronger man in the President's chair might have perpetuated the Duma and made of it a potential factor in the situation, but Rodzianko was not equal to that undertaking.

Rodzianko remained in Petrograd most of the time during the eight months' existence of the Provisional Government but after the Bolsheviks came into power he lived in retirement if not in hiding. There was a

AMERICAN RECOGNITION 85

rumor in Petrograd a few days after the Bolsheviks came into power that they were looking for ten or twelve men and Rodzianko's name headed the list. The day after this report was circulated I received a note from him introducing its bearer as his friend and a man to whom I could talk freely. The bearer of this note told me that Rodzianko and he had been friends from their youth. "When I asked him where Rodzianko was at that time he replied that he was in his apartment a short distance from the Embassy. He said that Rodzianko was in hiding and when I asked if I could see him replied, i ' Of course, if you will come to my apartment. ' ' I went and had a talk with him. He said his life was in danger and asked if he could take refuge in the American Em- bassy. I replied that it would be unsafe for him to come there but my secretary, Earl Johnston, was living in an apartment with a special investigator of the Depart- ment of Commerce and that both young men could be trusted and, as they were occupying a commodious apart- ment, would be glad to furnish him a refuge. This proved satisfactory to Rodzianko and he expressed the intention of availing himself of the hospitality of the young men provided it would be agreeable to them. After consulting them I advised Rodzianko that the young men would be glad to receive him and care for him as long as he desired to stay with them, but he did not avail himself of the considerate offer and I heard nothing more from him for several days. I afterwards learned that after remaining at his friend's house for five or six days unmolested he went to Novo Russisk and joined Kaledin — so I wa3 informed by his friend whom I asked, "How was Rod- zianko disguised V He replied, "As a woman," and when I expressed doubt about the possibility of success- fully disguising the huge figure of Rodzianko as a woman he replied he had had a telegram reporting that Rod-

86 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

zianko had arrived safely at Novo Russisk. When I asked him how the telegram got through he said it was prearranged that the signature should be in an assumed name and the telegram should state only "She arrived safe. ' '

From the satisfactory interview which I had with Rodzianko, I returned to the Embassy where I had invited to luncheon Baron and Baroness Nolde. Baron Nolde had been connected with the Foreign Office for many years as its judiciary adviser, having retained that place through many changes in the Ministry. He, how- ever, could give me little information as he had remained in the Foreign Office during the entire week, devoting himself to his official duties. Meantime, after learning from Rodzianko that Miliukoff possessed the confidence of himself and his colleagues as Foreign Minister, I had made by telephone an appointment to make an unofficial call upon that Minister with whom the heads of all the foreign missions had the closest relations. I learned from Dr. Miliukoff, with whom I had no difficulty in getting telephonic communication, that he could not re- ceive me at his residence before 11 :30 p.m. but that if I would come to the Foreign Office he would be pleased to grant me an interview. I went to the Foreign Office promptly, was cordially received by the new Minister and learned from him the plans of the Provisional Gov- ernment as I had from Rodzianko, but Miliukoff stated them more clearly.

I had met Dr. Miliukoff soon after my arrival in Petrograd, having sat beside him at a function given to me by the Russo- American , Society, of which Baron Rosen, formerly Ambassador to the United States, was President. Miliukoff was emphatic in his assurance that the Provisional Government was firmly established and frould administer affairs until the meeting of the Con-

TERESTCHENKO Minister of Finance and later Minister of Foreign Affairs under the First Provisional Government «

PAUL M1LIUKOFF

First Minister of Foreign Affairs under the Provisional Government

MICHAEL RODZIANKO

Formerly President of the Russian Duma

AMERICAN RECOGNITION 87

stituent Assembly which, would determine the form of Government for all the Russias. He was so well equipped to be Minister of Foreign Affairs that no other man had been spoken of for the place. Miliukoff had lectured in America and was well known in the United States as an eminent scholar and patriotic Russian. He was sup- posed to be the owner of the Byetch (in English "Voice"), a Petrograd daily newspaper whose columns were ably edited. Dr. Miliukoff had visited several of the universities of this country and was personally acquainted with many American scholars. He was looked upon in Russia, as in all other countries, as a statesman who had the courage of his convictions and withal pos- sessed of a high degree of culture. He was a thorough linguist, speaking English, French, German and Polish fluently. His attack on Stunner in the Duma in the preceding November had attracted attention throughout Russia. He had aroused the revolutionary spirit of the country and unquestionably had been a potential factor in bringing about the first Revolution. He had been for a long time the leader of the Cadet Party which was the popular designation for constitutional Democrat ; he had lead that party with a firm hand and had been fearless in his denunciations of the oppressions of the Monarchy. He had long been in disfavor with the monarchial or reactionary party when the Revolution began. He appeared to be about fifty-three years of age, and his manner and speech, although decided, was courteous. He had a smooth face with the exception of a slight mustache and was about five feet eleven inches in height, muscular and active with no surplus flesh. He was never at a loss for words with which to express his thoughts, and was a facile writer and logical thinker. He im- pressed me when I called upon him that Sunday, March

88 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

18th, as a man who realised his responsibility and would not shirk it.

As I looked at him and heard his prompt replies to my questions, the thought passed through my mind that here was the real leader of the Revolution; here was a deep thinker and a genuine Russian patriot. His phil- ippic on Sturmer had shown his high sense of honor when he appealed to the Duma and to the country to uphold at any cost the pledges of Russia to her Allies. I left him more convinced than ever that the rule of the Romanoffs was ended and that those entrusted with the administration of the new Government were right-think- ing, sincere and determined Russians who would prose- cute the war fearlessly regardless of its cost in blood and treasure and would advocate the form of government which they thought would best serve the interest of their country.

Miliukoff took a leading part in the Council of Min- isters; he was outspoken in his defense of what he be- lieved to be the right policies regardless of consequences. He had no patience with the pronunciamentos of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies. He had precipi- tated the Revolution by charging Sturmer and Proto- popoff and the Court with negotiating for a separate peace with Germany and thereby breaking faith with Russia's Allies, and he foresaw that the predominance of the principles championed by the Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies would lead inevitably to a separate peace with the Central Empires. He was a bitter oppo- nent of socialism and had often locked horns with Ker- ensky in the Duma. Kerensky was at this time Minister of Justice and performed an essential part, and per- formed it well in preventing excesses by the radical revo- lutionists. Kerensky probably had more influence dur- ing the first days of the Revolution than any other Min-

AMERICAN RECOGNITION 89

ister of the Provisional Government and possibly more than any other Russian. Therefore when Miliukoff dif- fered with Kerensky concerning the retention of Con- stantinople by Russia in the event the Central Empires should be defeated in the World War and when these two distinguished Russians clashed concerning the pro- visions of the secret treaties between Russia and her Allies, Miliukoff was not only in the minority in the Council of Ministers, but decidedly in the minority with the Russian people. Notwithstanding this situation, and Miliukoff understood it better than anyone, he stood by his guns.

According to the plans, as explained to me by both Rodzianko and Miliukoff, the supreme authority of the Government was vested in a Ministry under the Presi- dency of Prince Lvoff, who is perhaps the most highly respected citizen of Russia, who had been President of the Union of Zemstvos which Protopopoff several months before had prohibited from continuing their meetings not- withstanding the very efficient and excellent service they had performed in furnishing supplies to the army and to the large cities of Russia. It was the duty of this Council of Ministers, in addition to administering the affairs of the government in these troublous times and during the progress of a terrible war, to arrange for a meeting of a Constituent Assembly at as early a date as practicable ; the prerogative and duty of such assem- bly would be to adopt a form of government for Russia ; that form when adopted would be binding upon the whole people because the membership of the Assembly was to be chosen by direct vote of the people at an election held on a date to be fixed by the Ministry and at which every citizen and soldier of Russia would be permitted to vote. The success of this wise and comprehensive plan de- pended upon many contingencies but, however problem-

90 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

atical the outcome might be, the best if not the only promise of organized government, the maintenance of order and the protection of life and property lay in the administration of a Ministry composed of patriotic men who had character and ability and who were inspired by high motives. Such a government merited the support of all good citizens and was entitled to the recognition of all foreign governments that favor law and order and especially of that government represented in Russia by me.

After these conferences I was so thoroughly imbued with the conviction that it was wise for the Government of the United States to recognize the Provisional Gov- ernment, that upon returning to the Embassy I retired to my private apartment with my secretary, denied my- self to all callers and prepared the following cable to the Secretary of State :

"The six days between last Sunday and this have wit- nessed the most amazing revolution in history. A nation of two hundred million people who have lived under ab- solute monarchy for more than a thousand years and who are now engaged in the greatest war ever waged have forced their Emperor to abdicate for himself and his heir and have induced his brother, to whom he trans- ferred the Imperial authority, to accept it on condition that a Constituent Assembly of the people so request and when so accepted to exercise its functions under authority of the Government framed by that Assembly. This is official information obtained by my personal unofficial calls to-day on Rodzianko at his residence and MiliukofT, Minister of Foreign Affairs, at his office. There is no opposition to the Provisional Government, which is a Council of Ministers, appointed by a Committee of Twelve named by the Duma. Quiet prevails here and throughout Russia so far as known. Rodzianko and MiliukofT both assure me that the entire army accepts the authority of the Provisional Government and all

AMEEICAN RECOGNITION 91

appearances and advices confirm the same. The plan of the Provisional Government is to call a Constituent Assembly or convention whose members will be elected by the whole people and empowered to organize a gov- ernment. Whether that will be a republic or a constitu- tional monarchy is not decided but the conclusions of the Assembly will be accepted universally and enforced by the army and navy. There has been no concerted action in the Diplomatic Corps ; no meetings have been held or called. It has been customary for British, French and Italian Ambassadors to call daily together at the Foreign Office and they called upon Miliukoff Friday, yesterday and to-day but have not formally recognized the Provisional Government. Miliukoff: tells me confi- dentially that Buchanan, the British Ambassador, has authority from his government for recognition but is waiting until the Italian and French Ambassadors are likewise authorized. I request respectfully that you promptly give me authority to recognize the Provisional Government, as the first recognition is desirable from every viewpoint. This revolution is the practical rea- lization of that principle of government which we have championed and advocated — I mean government by con- sent of the governed. Our recognition will have a stu- pendous moral effect especially if given first. Rodzianko and Miliukoff both assure me that the Provisional Gov- ernment will vigorously prosecute the war. Further- more, upon Russia's success against the Central Empires absolutely depends the salvation of the revolution and the perpetuity of the government it establishes. The third of the eight principles in the manifesto issued an- nouncing the new Ministry and signed by the President of the Duma and all of the Ministers is ' abolition of all class, religious, and national limitations. ' Answer. ' '

On March 19th, one week after the Revolution began, and the day after I sent my cable to the Department, I called on Goutchkoff, the Minister of War. When I handed my card to the officer in charge of the outer room I was told that the Minister was in conference with dele-

92 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

gates from the Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies, but the officer sent in my card. Goutchkoff came out prompt- ly and after receiving me courteously conducted me to a private room. I saw that he was in a nervous state and, knowing that he had excused himself from a delegation to see me, lost no time in stating the object of my visit. I asked him if recognition by my Government would strengthen the Provisional Government of Russia. He replied with alacrity that it would and asked if it could be done on the following day. I told him "No," that I had only sent the cable the preceding evening and could not expect a reply before the 22nd or 23rd. With much agitation he expressed doubt as to whether the Provi- sional Government could survive until that time. I asked him how many soldiers he had in Petrograd. He replied about one hundred and twenty-five thousand, but ex- pressed the fear that the Government could not rely upon more than twenty-five thousand of these soldiers being loyal to it, while the remainder would side with the Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies. I expressed regret at my inability to recognize the Provisional Gov- ernment without authority from my Government. Goutchkoff was about fifty-five years of age. He is of medium height with keen gray eyes and close cropped iron gray whiskers. His eye and the set of his jaw gives evidence of decided courage. He is a member of a dis- tinguished Russian family, an elder brother having been a popular and efficient Mayor of Moscow who was at the time of our interview a leading manufacturer of that city who had married a Miss Tertiakoff , the daughter of the man who gave to Moscow the celebrated gallery bearing his name. I had visited Moscow in January, 1917, and had been shown through the Tertiakoff Gal- lery by this brother. Goutchkoff was the leader of the Octobrist Party and was the man who, in company with

AMERICAN RECOGNITION 93

Shulgin, had visited the Emperor at Pskoff as the repre- sentative of the Provisional Government to demand his abdication. He had joined the Boer Army in the South African War in 1899, where he had made a brilliant record. When I called upon him I was not aware that the celebrated General Order No. 1 to the Army had been issued. This was the order that contributed more than anything else toward the demoralization of the superb Russian army because it demoted all the officers to the ranks and permitted the army organizations down to the smallest units to elect their commanding officers. The Workmen's and Soldiers ' Deputies had sent this order out without the knowledge of the Minister of War and when he learned of it he found himself powerless to countermand it. This caused him great distress as he had been trained as a soldier and believed in strict discipline.

On March 22nd, four days after the dispatch, I re- ceived a sweepingly favorable reply to my cable. That was a record time both for the cable service and for the State Department. I subsequently learned that on its receipt it had at once been submitted by the Secretary to the President and by him had been brought up at a Cabinet Meeting.

I immediatley called up the Foreign Office, secured an appointment and an hour later told Foreign Minister Miliukoff the contents of the cable he had had sent for me and of the favorable reply. I said that as Ambas- sador I formally recognized the Provisional Government, but that I desired to be presented to the President, Prince Lvoff, and to present to him my eight Secretaries and Attaches and my Military and Naval Attaches in full uniform as I thought it important to make the recogni- tion as formal as possible. He not only agreed but sug- gested that I make the formal recognition not merely

94 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

to President LvofF, but to the entire Council of Min- isters. I told him that would be very gratifying to me, and he at once arranged for me to meet the Ministry at the Marensky Palace at 4 :30 that afternoon.

At that hour I accordingly appeared before the Min- istry, having driven up the Nevsky Prospect with my coachman in full livery on the box and the chasseur also in full livery standing behind me. I was accompanied by the Counselor, the four Secretaries, the Military and Naval Attaches in full uniform, the Commercial Attache and two Attaches on special mission. Upon being pre- sented to Prince Lvoff: I made the formal recognition in these words:

"Mr. President of the Council of Ministers :

"I have the honor as American Ambassador, and as representative of the Government of the United States accredited to Russia, to hereby make formal recognition of the Provisional Government of all the Russias and to state that it gives me pleasure officially and personally to continue intercourse with Russia through the medium of the new Government. May the cordial relations exist- ing between the two countries continue to obtain and may they prove mutually satisfactory and beneficial."

After a brief speech of appreciation by Foreign Min- ister Miliukoff, the short but impressive ceremony con- cluded. Two days later, with like ceremony, the British, French and Italian Embassies made formal recognition of the new Government to the Council of Ministers.

Important as I felt this recognition of the Provisional Government by the United States to be I did not at the time fully realize its significance. It should be borne in mind that at the time of this recognition our country was still neutral as we did not enter the war until fifteen days later. This recognition undoubtedly had a power- ful influence in placing America in a position to enter

AMERICAN RECOGNITION 95

the war backed by a practically unanimous public opin- ion. There can be no doubt that there would have been serious opposition to our allying ourselves with an ab- solute monarchy to make war no matter in what cause. President Wilson recognized this by his eloquent refer- ence to Russia in his soul-stirring address to the Con- gress made April 2nd.

Moreover this recognition of the Provisional Govern- ment, followed as it was within forty-eight hours by like action on the part of the British, French and Italian Governments, undoubtedly gave strong moral encourage- ment to the new Government, which, as the above account of my interview with Goutchkoff, Minister of War, shows, was in a situation of extreme peril. It was menaced on the one side by forces desiring the restoration of the Monarchy and on the other by the threat of the Work- men's and Soldiers' Deputies to take the administration of affairs into their own hands. If either of these hostile elements had succeeded an armistice with the Central Empires would have followed immediately and conse- quently Germany would have sent her hundred-odd divi- sions from the Eastern to the Western front almost a year sooner than they were sent and at a time when the Allied Armies were particularly ill prepared to resist them.

CHAPTER Vn

THE COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS ' DEPUTIES

My recognition of the Provisional Government de- scribed in the preceding chapter had taken place just eleven days before President Wilson delivered his mem- orable message to the Joint Session of Congress recom- mending that a state of war be declared to exist with Germany.

I addressed the following letter to Miliukoff on April 5th :

"Excellency:

"I am just in receipt by cable of the following noble sentiment eloquently expressed by President Wilson in his address to Congress delivered the evening of April 2nd to the two houses in joint session.

M 'A steadfast concert for peace can never be main- tained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue could eat its vitals away. The plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of man- kind to any narrow interest of their own. Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the won- derful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia 1 Russia was known

96

COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS 97

by those who knew her best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life. The autocracy that crowned the summit of her po- litical structure long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character or purpose, and now it has been shaken oft and the great generous Russian people have been added in all their native majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a league of honor.7

"I thought this would be of interest to you and hasten to communicate it. In my judgment it is not only thrill- ing and impressive but should be an inspiration to the Russian people and prompt them to a patriotic support of the Government which you and your Colleagues are so ably and faithfully administering.

"With assurances of personal and official esteem, I am, "Yours sincerely,

"David R. Francis."

This same day I also forwarded to the Minister to use as he saw fit this wise message to the workingmen of Russia from Samuel Gompers :

"Washington, April 2, 1917. N. S. Tschedzi, Petro- grad, Representative of working people of Russia. Ac- cept this message to the men of labor of Russia. We send greeting. The established liberty of Russia finds a warm response in the hearts of America's workers. We rejoice at the intelligence, courage and conviction of a people who even while concentrating every effort upon defense against foreign aggression have reorgan- ized their own institutions upon principles of freedom and democracy, but it is impossible to achieve the ideal

OS RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

state immediately. "When the right foundation has been established the masses can daily utilize the opportu- nities for progress, more complete justice and greater liberty. Freedom is achieved in meeting the problems of life and work. It cannot be established by a revolu- tion only. It is the product of evolution. Even in the Republic of the United States of America, the highest ideals of freedom are incomplete, but we have the will and the opportunity. In the name of America's workers, whose watchwords are Justice, Freedom and Humanity, we plead that Russia's workers and masses shall main- tain what you have already achieved, and practically and rationally solve the problem of to-day and safeguard the future from the reactionary forces who would gladly take advantage of your lack of unity to reestablish the old regime of royalty, reaction, tyranny and injustice. Our best wishes are with Russia in her new opportunity.

1 ' Samuel Gompers, "President American Federation of Labor.' '

In a dispatch to the Secretary of April 17, 1917, I made the following observations on some of the initial experiences of the new Government in its efforts to con- solidate its power:

"For a week or ten<days after our recognition of the Provisional Government the tension continued very great, as the Council of Ministers or Provisional Govern- ment was trying to establish itself but was so fearful of the consequences of a test of strength with the Work- ingmen and Soldiers' Deputies that it proceeded very cautiously. The soldiers were permitted to parade with banners and bands throughout the city and the working- men if returning to work at all were making unreason- able demands as to wages and hours and in some or many instances were selecting their own foremen. There has been, however, no contest between these two authorities up to this time and I think there is likely to be none.

COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS 99

The Provisional Government or Council of Ministers has been gaining strength from day to day; they have made two visits in a body to the front and at this writing the entire situation is much better than it has been at any day since March 12th, when the first regiment mutinied.

" Representatives of the Workingmen's Party and of the Soldiers' continue in session daily at the Duma or Tauride Palace, and I think meet in the Duma Hall. On Friday last, April 13th, this body passed by an over- whelming majority a resolution favoring a vigorous prosecution of the war to a successful issue and either the same day or the day after adopted another resolu- tion endorsing the Provisional Government.

* * The general impression is that Rodzianko is in favor of a Constitutional Monarchy and that Miliukoff is also so inclined, but that Minister of Justice Kerensky, who is a Social Revolutionist, and who has conducted himself most admirably, favors a republic.

"It has been my effort, and in such effort there has been no cessation, to impress upon all the importance of a vigorous prosecution of the war and to subordinate thereto all questions as to the rights of races or the recog- nition of classes.

"The Jews have undoubtedly been subjected to many injustices and unjust restrictions in Russia, and all fair- minded people are pleased that most if not all of such restrictions have been removed. The prejudice against the race, however, has by no means been eradicated; it pervades the peasants to a wonderful extent and that prejudice will be fanned into flame by opponents of the present regime if any reason therefor is given or can be charged with any appearance of truth.

"In reply to your cable concerning a separate peace, received the 14th, I cabled the result of a conference with Miliukoff. While I was talking with him in the Foreign Office,^ delegations of British and French Socialists were awaiting an audience and subsequently he phoned me that they had come to Russia for the purpose of advis- ing Russian Socialists to push the war vigorously and to give no thought of a separate peace as the Socialists of

100 EUSSIA FBOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

Germany and Austria-Hungary were more devoted to their respective countries than they were to socialistic doctrines, or at least were pursuing the policy of achiev- ing a victory for the Central Empires first."

The people of Petrograd learned of America's en- trance into the war before I received official notification tliereof.

The President's address delivered on April 2nd, 1917, to the Joint Session of Congress not only aroused great enthusiasm in America but electrified all of Europe. There had been no doubt in my mind about America's coming into the war since President Wilson had severed diplomatic relations with Germany and given Bernstorn0 his passports.

Our declaration of a state of war existing with the German Empire, coming as it did ten or fifteen days after the Eussian Eevolution, and our recognition of the Provisional Government of Eussia was not only hailed with delight in Eussia but was vastly strengthening to the Provisional Government, and served to dissipate all fear of the restoration of the monarchy.

There were many assemblages of people throughout the country and wherever they were held there were demonstrations of great joy. There were some ' ' doubting Thomases,' ' as there were in our own country, as to the extent of the part we would perform, and some of these pointed to Japan's course after she had declared war against the Central Empires, but the great bulk of the Eussian people were aroused to a high state of enthu- siasm ; if they had thought that America would perform so important a part in the war as to bring the Central Empires to their knees within eighteen months Eussia would no doubt have remained in the war to the end.

I was frequently called upon to make speeches, and being well acquainted with the American spirit, pre-

COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS 101

dieted on every occasion that America having finally entered the conflict would prosecute it to a successful finish. Our people not only surprised and astonished the people of Europe by the rapidity and magnitude of their operations but even surprised themselves.

On Sunday evening, April 22nd, while I was enter- taining some guests at the Embassy my colored valet, Philip Jordan, came to me and said that the police official in charge of the district had called up to warn me that an anarchist mob was gathering with the intention of attacking the Embassy. Their object was to avenge themselves upon the American Ambassador for a death sentence which had been passed upon one "Muni" in San Francisco. I had never heard of "Muni," and did not know what it was all about. I instructed Jordan to reply to the police officer that I thanked him for his warning, but considered that it was his duty rather than mine to protect the Embassy. I then told him to load my revolver and bring it to me. In a few minutes the police official who had telephoned arrived at the Em- bassy with a squad of police. Revolver in hand I went to meet the police officer, and told him to station his men at the Embassy gate, with instructions to shoot anyone who tried to enter the building without my permission. I stated I would take my stand inside prepared to shoot anyone who attempted to cross the threshold.

The mob never reached the Embassy although they started for it. Reports also differed as to how they were dispersed and why they did not carry out their inten- tion. One explanation was that while they were gather- ing on the Nevsky in front of the Kazan Cathedral, some Cossacks happened by and, attracted by the crowd as Russians always are, joined in and inquired what was on foot. When told that the crowd was going to attack the American Embassy because a socialist was to be

102 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

hung in America, the Cossacks replied, "Not if we know it," or words to that effect, and began attacking the mob which scattered in all directions.

I later learned with amusement that some of my friends had circulated a very much more sensational version of this episode. According to this version, the angry mob did reach the Embassy where I met them with a threat to shoot the first man who crossed the threshold and thus violated American territory, and that thereupon the mob slunk away. When in Paris on my way home I found this was the version of the story which had been circulated in the Peace Conference circles. I tried to correct it, but with little success. Everyone seemed to prefer the more sensational story, so I sup- pose I shall have to resign myself to this heroic role. It, at any rate, truthfully represents my intentions. All I lacked was the opportunity to carry them out.

Two days afterwards the Spanish and Japanese Am- bassadors and the Chinese Minister came to express their solicitude and regrets at the threatened indignity to the Embassy and myself. The same day the Minister of Justice, Alexander Kerensky, called and expressed the sympathy of the Government and their indignation at the threat to which I had been subjected.

Alexander Kerensky performed noble, patriotic and effective service in this critical stage in the life of the Provisional Government.

I met Kerensky at the time I formally recognized the Provisional Government. He was a young man, thirty- four years of age, with a smooth-shaven face, not over five feet ten inches in height, and of extremely nervous temperament. He had been the leader of the Socialist Revolutionists in the Duma, where he had shown elo- quence of a high order; his speeches always commanded attention, because they were logical and delivered in a

COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS 103

good voice, and they were always characterized by a vehement opposition to the Czar's government. Conse- quently the Workingmen's and Soldiers' Deputies had more confidence in Kerensky than in any other member of the Provisional Government.

Numerous instances of his influence with the Work- ingmen's and Soldiers' Deputies and with the populace were told me.

Baron Rosen, who had been Russian Ambassador at Washington, one day came to the American Embassy fresh from one of these scenes. He told me that he had seen a mob on the point of killing an officer, when Ker- ensky rescued the doomed man, and speaking to the angry crowd said he was the Minister of Justice and as long as he held that office no man should be deprived of life except after conviction in a fair trial.

The Ministry of the Provisional Government frequent- ly called upon Kerensky to exert his influence at this time, and had it not been for his efforts and the recog- nition by America of the Provisional Government, it would have been deposed and the revolution which took place the following November, eight months later, would have occurred in March, 1917.

Kerensky, whom I came to know well, and with whom I had close relations during the regime of the Provi- sional Government, did such valiant work that we should not be harsh in our condemnation of his subsequent mis- takes. When Goutchkoff resigned as Minister of War, Kerensky succeeded him. Kerensky was responsible for the decree abolishing the death penalty in the army, and although he issued a later decree, at the instance of Korniloff, reinstating the death penalty, his heart was too soft to command an army.

I well remember being present when Kerensky was ad- dressing a large audience in the Miransky Theater. He

104 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

was interrupted three times by a man in the gallery, to whom he paid no attention at the first two interruptions. The audience was spell-bound, but the man in the gallery insisted on interrupting the speaker the third time, call- ing out, "What about restoring the death penalty ?" Then Kerensky, pointing in the direction whence the voice came, remarked, "Wait until I order a man put to death," thereby demonstrating that his feelings were still with the decree abolishing the death penalty.

After he became War Minister he made several visits to the Eastern front, and at one time took command of the army and ordered an advance which was successful. But he never countermanded Order No. 1, which demoted all officers to the ranks and permitted the soldiers to elect their own officers, and made provision for the of- ficers so elected to be removed by the soldiers when they saw fit.

I was lunching with Kerensky in Terestchenko 's apart- ment one day when Nekrassoff, Bakhmatieff, Ambas- sador of the Provisional Government at Washington, and others were present.

Terestchenko 's apartment faced the Quay, along which a procession was passing. As we watched the parade I asked Kerensky if Lenin and Trotzky were not both Jews. Trotzky I knew was, and I had heard that Lenin's mother was of Jewish descent. Kerensky promptly re- plied that he went to school with Lenin, and that Lenin was of pure Russian blood. He said his first recollection of political life was of being in Lenin's father's house at the age of six when the house was searched for Lenin's elder brother, who had made an attempt upon the life of Alexander III. The brother was afterwards arrested and shot.

This reminds me of a report which was current in Petrograd at the time Kerensky escaped. It was said

COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS 105

that Kerensky could have apprehended Lenin when the attempted revolution of July 16th and 17th, 1917, oc- curred. Trotzky was arrested at the time and impris- oned, although later released. Lenin was never arrested by the Provisional Government although he was contin- ually trying to undermine it. During the Bolshevik Revolution of November, 1917, all the other Ministers were arrested and imprisoned in Saint Peter and Paul Fortress, but Kerensky escaped. It was rumored that Lenin and Trotzky permitted Kerensky to escape in re- turn for his having permitted Lenin to escape in the previous July.

The next day after the threatened attack of April 22nd, on the Embassy, a delegation of one hundred or more school children called and through one of their number made a little speech condemning the threatened action of the mob. I had learned meantime that the "Muni" for whose death sentence the mob proposed to make me vicariously responsible was Mooney, the labor leader, who had been convicted of responsibility for the bomb outrage in California. I explained to all my Rus- sian visitors that while I was not familiar with the details of this particular case that in America persons were con- demned to death for two causes only — murder and treason. That free speech and free press were per- mitted. That if any person so used these privileges as to menace the safety of other individuals, of the Govern- ment, or of society he was bound over under bond to keep the peace if an American citizen, and if an alien he was deported to the country whence he came. On May 1st, I said in a letter to my son Perry : ' ' Today is labor day throughout Europe and is a very strict holiday. The guests in the hotels were told yes- terday that no meals would be served today. The streets were and are now practically deserted but the crowds

106 KUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

have congregated at several places listening to speeches, some of which are sensible and some otherwise. Many- allowances, however, must be made for people who have been living under an absolute monarchy all of their lives and who have never been permitted the liberty of free speech, which everyone has in our country.

"This government is still doing a great deal of con- structive work but it has not yet asserted its authority with any force. There are daily meetings of the Com- mittee representing the Workingmen's and Soldiers' Deputies and the membership of that Committee, I am told, is over two thousand. An ultra-Socialist named Lenin has been doing a great deal of foolish talking and has advised his hearers to kill all people who have prop- erty and refuse to divide. We are living somewhat in sus- pense. Lenin's followers are an unknown quantity. We occasionally hear rumors of violence being planned. One up-rising was said to be fixed for today, but at this hour, 5 p.m., it has not materialized. My relations with the Ministers are very close, and I feel justified in stating that the American Embassy never stood so well in Rus- sia as it does today."

In the huge Labor Parade which was the feature of the day there were many banners bearing the inscription "Peace with Victory but without Annexation or Contribution."

Two days later, on May 3rd, Foreign Minister Miliu- koff issued the following statement on Russia's war aims apropos of America's entrance into the conflict.

"I never doubted that the United States could join only the powers of the Entente. In the definition of the objects of the war by President Wilson and the states- men of the Continent, there never appeared any diversity of opinion. As President Wilson, so also Briand, Asquith and Grey recognized as the fundamental object

COUNCIL OF WOEKMEN AND SOLDIERS 107

of the war — the prevention of war; that is to-day, the finding of peaceful means for the settlement of conflicts and the creation of a new and equitable organization of nations, founded on the triumph of justice in inter- national relations. The best pledge of America's enter- ing the ranks of the Allied Powers was undoubtedly this accord of views in the domain of the conception of the war. Assuredly the formula i Peace without Victory,' proposed by President Wilson is unadmissible for the Allies, but it must be noticed in this connection that the logical development of all the ideas on which are founded the President's statements imperiously demands the con- tinuation of the war by the Allies to a victorious end. Only victory is able to give the powers of the Entente the possibility of solving those broad international ques- tions, the settlement of which President Wilson himself recognizes as necessary for the good of humanity. It must not be forgotten that in her declarations concerning her efforts for peace Germany remains true to her policy, wishing to march ahead of a pacified universe. The only obstacle to the development of normal international relations has always been found in German presentations to world domination, to the enslavement of peoples and to the transformation of all Europe according to the law of the Prussian mailed fist. Without victory over Ger- many the establishment of the ideal international order of which President Wilson dreams is an utopia impos- sible of realization.

"The concurrence of the views of the Allies with the fundamental tenets of President Wilson is not only apparent in the definition of these ideal aims of the war, but also of those entirely concrete objects, the attainment of which is to lead to an international organization of the universe. Not one of the Allies can be reproached with pursuing a policy of encroachment. The program of the Entente powers consists in the realization of the leading idea of President Wilson concerning the satis- faction of all national aspirations, the restoration of crushed nations and trampled rights. The Entente powers must fix the map of Europe on lines that will include every possibility of a new international catas-

108 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY

trophe. I repeat it: none of the Allies is pursuing encroaching aims ; the Allies consider necessary only the restitution of what was forcibly amputated or the settle- ment of national historical questions. Under these cir- cumstances it is possible to speak of ' peace without annexations' only under the condition that by the word ' annexation ' is meant a conquest. The fixing of frontiers in accord with national endeavors must in no wise be considered a conquest. In general the formula 'peace without victory' must be treated with great precaution, this formula having been launched by the Allies of Ger- man social democracy as corresponding to German interests only.

"Starting from the principle of the liberation of nations put forward by President Wilson as well as by the Entente Powers, the fundamental task of the Allies tends toward the liquidation of Turkish rule over op- pressed nations beginning with the Armenians, who, after the victory, must be under the care of Russia, and toward the radical reorganization of Austria-Hungary. One of the natural consequences of this transformation will be the uniting of the Servian territories ; another — the creation of a Czecho-Slovak state — bulwarks against Germany 's plans of conquering non-German lands. Hun- gary and German Austria must contract within their ethnographical frontiers in order to restore Italians to Italy, Roumanians to Roumania, and the Ukrainian provinces to Ukrainia.

"All these ideas are entirely conformable to the ideas of President Wilson. The same concurrence of views is also noticeable in the Russian endeavors to command the Straits. As it is known, President Wilson on the question of the Straits did not only take the position of their possible neutralization, but also of their transfer to Russian control. In the establishment of Russian domi- nation over the Straits there must be in no wise seen a manifestation of tendencies of conquest, but exclusively the existence of a national object — the necessity of com- manding the gate to Russia without which it is impossible to guarantee the safety of the Black Sea. When this gate shall have been firmly fortified, we shall not b

1

COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS 109

obliged to increase the defenses of the shores of the Black Sea, or to maintain a powerful battle fleet. As far as the neutralization of the Straits is concerned, this solution of the question would give access to the Black Sea to foreign battleships, which is precisely the consid- eration impelling Russia to prefer to a neutralization the retention of the Straits in the hands of a weak power. Occupying Constantinople as mere parasites and ruling by the sole force of conquest the Turks cannot, in opposi- tion to the Russian aims, allege their national rights.' '

This statement, although only a reiteration of the dec- laration made by the Provisional Government on April 10th, proved to be a bombshell. I had known for some time that a serious difference of opinion in the Cabinet was threatened on the question of annexation or foreign policy at the close of the war. I knew that Miliukoff, as stated in this interview, claimed that Russia must be given Constantinople in accordance with the promise of the Allies to the Imperial Government before the Revo- lution. Kerensky, however, demanded the neutraliza- tion of the Dardanelles and was opposed to any annexa- tions to Russian territory as a result of the war. I knew that the Ministry had been about equally divided between these two positions, but had understood that the matter had been decided in favor of Kerensky ?s position — that is against annexations. The British Ambassador, Sir George Buchanan, had told me a few days before that he could say nothing because the Allies had promised Con- stantinople to Russia before the Revolution, when Rus- sia's policy with regard to Constantinople was well defined and well known. He added, however, that he personally hoped and believed that the result would be the neutralization of the Dardanelles.

Miliukoff gave out this statement without consulting that self-appointed branch of the Government, the Work- men's and Soldiers f Committee. This they bitterly re-

110 EUSSIA FKOM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY

sented and instigated hostile demonstrations against him. As I wrote the Secretary at the time :

"The offense seems to have been that the Provisional Government presumed to make a statement without con- sulting with and obtaining the consent of the Working- men's Committee. In the midst of these hostile demon- strations I called upon Miliukoff, who was in a meeting of the Council of Ministers in the War Department, and told him and Goutchkoff, the Minister of War, in effect that having risked my judgment in asking my Govern- ment to recognize the Provisional Government and hav- ing done all I could to assist the Ministry, I felt con- siderable official and personal responsibility concerning a stable government in Eussia and that if more satis- factory evidence was not given of such government, I should feel compelled to advise my Government not to extend the aid which I have been continuously recommending. "

I was endeavoring to secure from our Government a credit to the Provisional Government of Eussia and had fair prospects of success. I was also seeking to have a practical railroad man sent to Vladivostok to relieve the congestion at that point and generally